How does Putin get out of Ukraine and still save face, something I’m sure he cares about? Float some suggestions.
Do you think in light of the reported economic damage that’s being done to Russia and its citizens, that he wants to get out? Discuss.
Pragmatic politics focused on the public interest for those uncomfortable with America's two-party system and its way of doing politics. Considering the interface of politics with psychology, cognitive science, social behavior, morality and history.
How does Putin get out of Ukraine and still save face, something I’m sure he cares about? Float some suggestions.
Do you think in light of the reported economic damage that’s being done to Russia and its citizens, that he wants to get out? Discuss.
Adelyn — who stands tall at 5 feet, 5 inches and is outspoken in class — had been having panic attacks in school as she approached puberty. After she started seeing the doctors in North Dallas, the attacks stopped.But last week, the panic attacks started again when [radical right extremist] Republican Gov. Greg Abbott — seven days before the GOP primary election in which he’s being accused of not being conservative enough — ordered state child welfare officials to launch child abuse investigations into reports of transgender kids receiving gender-affirming care.
Adelyn is terrified she will be forcibly separated from her mother. So great is her anxiety that she doesn’t want to sleep in her own bed. The Vigil family agreed to speak with The Texas Tribune but did not feel safe disclosing details about Adelyn’s medical care.
Abbott’s directive followed a nonbinding legal opinion from Attorney General Ken Paxton — who is also in the fight of his political life in Tuesday’s primary election — that said gender-affirming care constitutes child abuse.
Paxton’s opinion cited body modification surgeries that medical experts say are rarely, if ever, performed on children. But he also said it would be child abuse to administer gender-affirming care that is widely accepted by leading health care groups, like puberty blockers, which are completely reversible. Under the gender-affirming model of care, experts say, more time is spent allowing kids to socially transition instead of focusing on medical treatment.
Advocates say that calling gender-affirming therapy child abuse could lead to it being weaponized in divorce cases, create legal issues for physicians and therapists who treat transgender youth and empower people to attack the young people themselves — as well as the family members and others who support them.
“It’s not a far stretch to think that you could be harassed, assaulted, killed,” said W. Carsten Andresen, an associate professor of criminal justice at St. Edward’s University in Austin.
If you want a deep dive into what matters and what doesn't regarding Hillary Clinton's emails (primarily) and Trump's classified documents, then read on. If not, feel free to skip. I have in the past worked in email and records administration for Department of State, so I know of what I speak.
Hillary Clinton intentionally broke US Government and State Department policy by not submitting relevant emails from her private unclassified mail server to the DoS archive. Every high-level employee at State knows the requirement to preserve anything that is defined as a "record" (an official document of government business or transaction). All of her staff would be aware of this.
But, I can tell you from first-hand experience, if a Presidential appointee does not wish to comply with the rules, there is little a civil service employee can do to make it happen. Unless you want to make a complaint to the Inspector General - and we saw in the Trump Administration what happened to people who took that route.
What's more, the very use of the private server indicates this was not an oversight, but her intent from the very beginning. She clearly wanted to prevent another Whitewater and not leave documents around available for a future fishing expedition.
It was not until this omission was made public, and Congress demanded copies of emails that she submitted them to the State Department.
And even then, she delivered them as printed copies - the most labor intensive way to store them. She could have done it electronically and they would have been easily added to the archive and searchable. Again, this seems not to be a mistake, but her intention was to make this as difficult as possible. These records then had to be scanned and error-checked before they could go in to the system - a process that was very labor and time intensive - we are talking about many weeks.
That being said, the charge that she mishandled classified information was all smoke and mirrors.
While she deserved rebuke for her handling of her unclassified email - the vast majority of official State Department business is conducted on the classified system, where official messages are still sometimes called "cables". And what seemed to go unreported is that all of her classified messages were sent to the archive and available to Congress from the beginning. So, from the beginning of the Benghazi investigation(s), Congress had all of those messages. And if you want to know what the official communication was during that tragic event, it was all in the classified system.
Finally, the charge that classified information was found on her private server - that is a huge and deliberate mischaracterization. It rests on the difference between classified information and classified documents.
Classified documents (either printed or in the classified email system) are marked with their classification on every page. It is impossible to mistake what they are. What's more, there is no network link between the two systems. You can't "accidentally" copy documents from one system to the other. They are different computers, usually in different rooms. (Classified computers can only be in physically secured rooms.)
Classified information is something different. It is information that an agency has designated as classified and should only be discussed in the classified system.
Here's the problem - different agencies have different opinions on what information is classified and what isn't. And since email discussions go on between high and low ranking individuals in multiple agencies, one really has no way of knowing if someone somewhere in the US government has decided that data is classified.
What became controversial for Hillary is that there were some topics discussed in her unclassified emails that other agencies decided after-the-fact should be restricted to the classified system only. None of these emails were sent by Hillary, by the way, she was just on the receiving end, so they appeared on her server.
But, here's the thing - this is no different than what happens on the State Department Unclassified email system every day. This has nothing to do with having a private server. The data would have been just as out in the open on unclassified State Department email as on Hillary's server.
This was a total red herring publicized to make Clinton a punching bag in public.
Contrast this with President Trump who took physical documents marked "Classified" on every page out of the White House and down to his private home in Florida. Those documents can not ever leave a secured enclave or it breaks the system as a whole.
That is not only inexcusable, it directly damages US security.
And, in addition to that - why aren't those documents in the official archive?
For 18 months, Republican strategists, political pundits, reporters and Americans who follow them have been pursuing Hillary Clinton's personal email habits, and no evidence of a crime has been found. But now they at least have the skills and interest to focus on a much larger and deeper email conspiracy, one involving war, lies, a private server run by the Republican Party and contempt of Congress citations—all of it still unsolved and unpunished.
Clinton's email habits look positively transparent when compared with the subpoena-dodging, email-hiding, private-server-using George W. Bush administration. Between 2003 and 2009, the Bush White House "lost" 22 million emails. This correspondence included millions of emails written during the darkest period in America's recent history, when the Bush administration was ginning up support for what turned out to be a disastrous war in Iraq with false claims that the country possessed weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and, later, when it was firing U.S. attorneys for political reasons.
Like Clinton, the Bush White House used a private email server—its was owned by the Republican National Committee. And the Bush administration failed to store its emails, as required by law, and then refused to comply with a congressional subpoena seeking some of those emails. "It's about as amazing a double standard as you can get," says Eric Boehlert, who works with the pro-Clinton group Media Matters. "If you look at the Bush emails, he was a sitting president, and 95 percent of his chief advisers' emails were on a private email system set up by the RNC. Imagine if for the last year and a half we had been talking about Hillary Clinton's emails set up on a private DNC server?" (emphasis added)
PARIS — President Vladimir V. Putin has ordered Russian troops into Ukraine but made clear his true target goes beyond his neighbor to America’s “empire of lies,” and he threatened “consequences you have never faced in your history” for “anyone who tries to interfere with us.”
In another rambling speech full of festering historical grievances and accusations of a relentless Western plot against his country, Mr. Putin reminded the world on Thursday that Russia “remains one of the most powerful nuclear states” with “a certain advantage in several cutting-edge weapons.”
In effect, Mr. Putin’s speech, intended to justify the invasion, seemed to come closer to threatening nuclear war than any statement from a major world leader in recent decades. His immediate purpose was obvious: to head off any possible Western military move by making clear he would not hesitate to escalate.
Given Russia’s nuclear arsenal, he said, “there should be no doubt that any potential aggressor will face defeat and ominous consequences should it directly attack our country.” He added: “All necessary decisions have been taken in this regard.”
Mr. Putin’s move into Ukraine and his thinly veiled nuclear threat have now shattered Europe’s notions of security and the presumption of peace it has lived with for several generations. The postwar European project, which produced so much stability and prosperity, has entered a new, uncertain and confrontational stage.
Europe has rediscovered its vulnerability. Mr. Macron said on Thursday that Mr. Putin had “decided to bring about the gravest violation of peace and stability in our Europe for decades.” Of Ukrainians, he said, “Their liberty is our liberty.”
But no European country, nor the United States for that matter, will put lives on the line for that freedom. The question, then, is how they can draw a line for Mr. Putin.
After his short war in Georgia in 2008, his annexation of Crimea in 2014, his orchestration in 2014 of the military conflict in eastern Ukraine that created two breakaway regions, and his military intervention in Syria in 2015, Mr. Putin has clearly concluded that Russia’s readiness to use its armed forces to advance its strategic aims will go unanswered by the United States or its European allies.
“Russia wants insecurity in Europe because force is its trump card,” said Michel Duclos, a former French ambassador. “They never wanted a new security order, whatever the European illusions. Putin decided some time ago that confrontation with the West was his best option.”
“Nearly everywhere, in many regions of the world where the United States brought its law and order, this created bloody, unhealing wounds and the curse of international terrorism and extremism,” Mr. Putin said. America’s conduct across the globe was “con-artist behavior.”
He continued: “Therefore, one can say with good reason and confidence that the whole so-called Western bloc formed by the United States in its own image and likeness is, in its entirety, the very same ‘empire of lies.’”
He appeared to have forgotten that Ukraine once had a vast nuclear arsenal before it gave it up in 1994 under an agreement known as the Budapest Memorandum. Russia was one of the countries that signed the accord, promising in exchange that it would never use force or threats against Ukraine and would respect its sovereignty and existing borders.
The Privatization of Everything is a book that sneaks up on you. Or at least it snuck up on me. Donald Cohen and Allen Mikaelian's subtitle should have prepared me: "How the Plunder of Public Goods Transformed America and How We Can Fight Back."Slowly but surely, it dawned on me that the authors had articulated a sound, sensible and compelling vision about how realize the promise embedded in the preamble to the U.S. Constitution: "to promote the general welfare." That vision holds the promise of a pathway to rebuilding civic trust and a sense of common national purpose. That might seem to be wishful thinking, especially at this historical moment. But public goods are highly popular across the board, with Republicans as well as Democrats and independents, ....Salon: Let's start with some of the basic, broad principles or perspectives in your book, starting with the idea that what's been privatized is the entire notion of public goods. You argue that they shouldn't be understood in terms that economists have used, as "non-excludable non-rival goods," but rather should be defined by the public itself. Why is that important?Cohen: .... health care is a private good. you can exclude people, and we do, and of course there are only so many doctors and nurses and hospital beds. So if it's a private good, the market drives and the market rules. But if it's a public good, then we get to say that everyone should have it. We should be able to do that democratically and not let the neoclassical market definition of public goods define what we can do.Salon: You repeatedly make the point that privatization is more expensive, even when it appears cheaper upfront. This is glaringly obvious in one way, since private investors routinely expect double-digit returns while public bonds typically return around 4% a year.Cohen: Businesses have legitimate business expenses, as well as pretty high executive compensation packages, in the millions, depending on the corporations. They have returns to investors, profit. They have political expenses, lobbying, and they also have debt, because they're involved in mergers and acquisitions, buying up other businesses. All of those are business expenses, none of which, fundamentally, is being spent on the service.They say they're efficient, but efficiency is just spending less to get more. There's a finite list of things you can spend less on. You can have fewer workers, which they do. It happens in private prisons, they have higher ratios of prisoners to corrections officers. You could pay them less, lower wages and fewer benefits, which they do. You can use lower-quality equipment or supplies, that happens as well. And ultimately, you can give less service. When they privatized Medicaid in Iowa and Kansas, know what happened? Simple math. You got less care. So it's it's really a fallacy when they say "more efficient." There may be things you can do to make services more efficient, we should always strive to do that. But when they say "more efficient," really what they mean is they're going to spend less, and quite often that's very much counter to our interests.Salon: My next question is about the basic logic of who's being served with public versus private financing, where interests and incentives aren't well-aligned. That's perhaps clearest in your discussion of public-private partnerships, or P3s.
Cohen: Yes, particularly involving infrastructure. The way you build stuff is design, build, finance, operate and maintain. That's how infrastructure is built. So, design/build is often private. When you bring in private finance capital, which is more expensive than public finance — often a lot more expensive — then the private financiers, usually along with the consortium, want to take control of the asset, do the operations and maintain it for decades.
So several things are true there. One of which is they're paying more for capital. The second thing is, they say they'll do it cheaper and faster, and they often say "with no new taxes," when they're advocating for public-private partnership. But there's a real simple truth: Things cost money and there's only one place to get money. From us. If it's not a tax it's a toll, if it's not a tax it's a rate hike. There's no free lunch. There's no free money out there. So that's the first thing you have to put aside. It's going to cost money. The question is who's going to get it.
I use the example of Chicago parking meters as the example on P3s. [Private investors, led by Morgan Stanley, paid the city of Chicago $1.16 billion for a 75-year operating contract in 2008. That had realized a $500 million profit as of 2019, with 64 years to go.] There are two things wrong with the deal. It was an incredibly stupid way to borrow money on your future revenues. But even if that was the only option, they got taken. They sold $1 billion too cheap.
But here's the real problem with P3s. If the city wants to eliminate parking spots, to get people out of cars with rapid transit or dedicated bus lanes or pedestrian street malls or by changing housing patterns — the responsibilities of a city — they have to buy the parking spots back. That's the core of what the problem is, because when [private entities] get control of the asset, they get control of the decisions that we ought to have. The city of Chicago's elected leaders — the city council, the mayor — their hands are tied if they want to expand transit.
The two prosecutors leading the Manhattan district attorney’s investigation into former President Donald J. Trump and his business practices abruptly resigned on Wednesday amid a monthlong pause in their presentation of evidence to a grand jury, according to people with knowledge of the matter.The prosecutors, Carey R. Dunne and Mark F. Pomerantz, submitted their resignations because the new Manhattan district attorney, Alvin Bragg, indicated to them that he had doubts about moving forward with a case against Mr. Trump, the people said.Early this month, (Trump’s accountants] Mazars notified the Trump Organization that it would no longer serve as its accountant and that it could no longer stand behind a decade of Mr. Trump’s financial statements.
Mazars said it had not, “as a whole,” found material discrepancies between the information the Trump Organization provided and the true value of Mr. Trump’s assets.Even with the retraction from Mazars, a criminal case would likely be difficult to prove. The documents, known as statements of financial condition, contain a number of disclaimers, including acknowledgments that Mr. Trump’s accountants had neither audited nor authenticated his claims.And the prosecutors would have to show that Mr. Trump’s penchant for hyperbole crossed the line into criminality, a tall order when it comes to something as subjective as property values. A case like this might hinge on the testimony of a Trump insider, but the prosecutors have not persuaded Mr. Weisselberg to cooperate with the investigation, depriving them of the type of insider witness whose testimony can be crucial to complicated white-collar criminal trials.Another challenge is that Mr. Trump’s lenders might not appear to a jury to be sympathetic victims.[1] The lenders, which made millions of dollars in interest from Mr. Trump, conducted their own assessments of his assets.
Question: Can a free country have too many freedoms?
If no, why not? Explain.
If yes, where do you see that "imposing on a freedom" line drawn? Please give details.
Some ideas to think about:
-Whenever a freedom breaks the law
-Whenever a freedom turns violent
-Whenever a freedom creates public panic and/or disruption
-Whenever a freedom harms another (physically rather than emotionally)
-Whenever a freedom harms another (physically and/or emotionally)
-Whenever a freedom exacerbates an already problem situation (e.g., not getting vaccinated or wearing an uncomfortable mask)
-Whenever a freedom of the one outweighs the freedom of the many
-Whenever a freedom to not bake a gay cake or preform a gay wedding is imposed
-Whenever a freedom to keep and bear arms is threatened
-Whenever a fetus is threatened
-Whenever a lie or falsehood is perpetuated
-Whenever a religion is threatened
-Whenever etc.
Thanks for posting and recommending.
All the civilized world needs to come together, especially the EU and NATO, as well including Australian, NZ, Japan, S. Korea, etc:
Pull ALL of your citizens out of Russia, then ban ALL travel to and fro, especially ban all tourism to.
Immediately stop ALL imports of anything from Russia, no more importing vodka.
Immediately shut all of your ports to Russian interests and stop shipping anything to Russia.
Ban ALL Russian banks and financial institutions and immediately seize all Russian assets held in the above mentioned countries.
Close ALL Russian embassies and send them all back to Russia.
Ban Russians from ALL international sporting events and do NOT participate in any held in Russia.
Send to Ukraine, IMMEDIATELY, our most deadly weapons. Make a war too costly for them.
Russia engages in cyber attacks on other countries, imagine if ALL the other countries, especially those listed above, ALL engaged in full non-stop cyber attacks on Russian interests.
Then hire me as special advisor to NATO and the U.S. because quite frankly...… the advisors they have now don't have a clue what to do about Putin or Russia.
Your welcome.
Polling from YouGov conducted for the Economist in January provides an apples-to-apples comparison between Putin and various American leaders.
The Ukraine crisis has served to highlight the growing divisions among Republicans on foreign policy that began with Donald Trump’s presidency and continues after his electoral defeat as adherents to his “America First” approach clash with the party’s remaining hawks who for several decades rallied the party around the idea of projecting a muscular U.S. presence abroad.
This divide has been on stark display over the last 24 hours as Russian President Vladimir Putin’s ordered incursion into Ukraine creates chaos in Eastern Europe and Republicans rally around the idea that it is Biden’s fault, calling him weak, but failing to provide a coherent party position on what the White House should to counter Moscow’s aggression.
Some want stiffer sanctions and said they should have been put in place ahead of the invasion as a deterrent. Others question why the United States needs to be involved at all. Regardless, in their telling, it’s Biden’s fault.
Trump and some of his supporters and former aides have even offered odd forms of praise for Putin, a ruthless autocrat, as they seek to tear down Biden.
“There were more army tanks than I’ve ever seen. They’re going to keep peace all right. No, but think of it, here’s a guy who’s very savvy,” Trump said during an interview Tuesday with a conservative news outlet, praising Putin’s moves and suggesting the Russian troops would serve as peacekeepers.
In recent weeks, as the crisis built up, former secretary of state Mike Pompeo offered similar praise for Putin’s strategic thinking. “We shouldn’t treat him as the JV,” Pompeo said in a late January radio interview on Fox News. “He is a credible, capable statesman. And that’s why the mistake of not putting deterrence in place over the last year has led to this moment that we’re suffering from today.”
One long-shot GOP candidate for a House seat from New York followed Trump’s lead by praising Putin for protecting “the church, tradition and Russian culture” better than Western governments protect these institutions.
On Tuesday, McCarthy joined with his leadership team and senior Republicans on those committees to issue a blistering statement that faulted Biden for not moving fast enough with military aid and other means to counter Putin.
“Sadly, President Biden consistently chose appeasement and his tough talk on Russia was never followed by strong action. Lethal aid was slow-walked, anti-air and anti-ship capabilities were never directly provided, pre-invasion sanctions proportionate to the aggression Putin had already committed were never imposed,” McCarthy and the other GOP leaders wrote.
Dear Fellow Americans, the militant left now controls the entire federal government, the news media, academia, Hollywood, and most corporate boardrooms.Among the things they plan to change or destroy are: American history, patriotism, border security, the nuclear family, gender, traditional morality, capitalism, fiscal responsibility, opportunity, rugged individualism, Judeo-Christian values, dissent, free speech, color blindness, law enforcement, religious liberty, parental involvement in public schools, and private ownership of firearms.Is this the beginning of the end of America? Only if we allow it to be.
In September 1974, however, one month after Nixon left office, his successor, Gerald Ford, pardoned him. Ford later told a congressional subcommittee that the pardon was designed to “shift our attentions from the pursuit of a fallen President to the pursuit of the urgent needs of a rising nation.”
It didn’t — not in the immediate aftermath and, in some ways, not ever. .... Some were livid. One powerful man had essentially condoned the criminality of another. The get-out-of-jail-free card exacerbated public cynicism and deepened the nation’s social fractures.Nearly five decades later, Joe Biden is president, and a pardon for Donald Trump isn’t happening. But whether Trump will eventually be prosecuted for his conduct in the White House is more of a conundrum: If the country crosses this inviolate threshold, all hell will break loose. If we don’t cross it, all hell will break loose. There will be no “shifting our attentions” by advocates of either course. And whichever path the nation follows will have lasting repercussions. One thing is increasingly clear — fear will play a greater role than facts in determining it..... Trump’s words and deeds have demonstrated that his actions tend to be intentional. If an ordinary citizen had pressured Georgia’s secretary of state to “find” votes to overturn the 2020 election; systematically misrepresented the value of his assets to the IRS and banks; funneled money to silence a paramour; or put government documents down a toilet, this person would almost certainly be facing an array of criminal charges. More than a year after he left office, Trump isn’t facing any such thing yet.
The stakes are enormous. The rule of law, the notion that we are all equal under our criminal justice system, is among the noblest of principles but also the ugliest of myths. The question of putting Trump on trial before a jury of his peers is a test for a principle of democracy that has often proved out of reach for most Americans.How this unequal system of justice faces a crossroads. Any decision about prosecuting the former president centers on two conflicting fears: Inaction mocks the nation’s professed ideal that no one sits above the law — and Americans might wonder whether our democracy can survive what amounts to the explicit approval of lawlessness. But prosecuting deposed leaders is the stuff of banana republics.The fear of the banana republic is hardly an idle one — and here Trump is a central figure, too. He has boasted of his willingness to go that route: In 2016, he ran by pledging that he intended to use the power of federal law enforcement to help his friends and pay back his enemies. His rallies routinely erupted with chants of “lock her up,” directed at his opponent, Hillary Clinton. When as president he told then-FBI Director James Comey that he should be “letting Flynn go,” he was doing as he had promised, using the presidency to try to save an ally from criminal investigation. Trump sees the law and law enforcement as a weapon: .... Trump has said that if he gets a second term, he would pardon hundreds of violent insurrectionists charged in the attack on the Capitol. More recently, his remarks about the investigation his administration began under special counsel John Durham suggest that he is still game to go after foes by wildly accusing them of crimes. .... and he issued a statement saying that “in a stronger period of time in our country, this crime would have been punishable by death.” This was “treason at the highest level,” he said.Not prosecuting Trump has already signaled to his supporters that accountability is for suckers. “The warning signs of instability that we have identified in other places are the same signs that, over the past decade, I’ve begun to see on our own soil,” political scientist Barbara Walter wrote in “How Civil Wars Start.” The signs include a hollowing out of institutions, “manipulated to serve the interests of some over others.” (emphasis added)
Prosecutorial threats are multiplying: Bank and tax fraud charges are under consideration in Manhattan. In Fulton County, Ga., a special grand jury is investigating Trump’s interference in the 2020 election. In a Washington courtroom, U.S. District Judge Amit P. Mehta told a convicted Jan. 6 Capitol rioter that he was a pawn in a scheme by more powerful people, .... The National Archives requested that the Justice Department open an investigation into Trump’s mishandling of top-secret documents that the government recently retrieved from his Florida estate. Trump still faces legal jeopardy for obstructing justice during Robert Mueller’s probe into Russian interference in the 2016 election (remember that one?). During the 2016 campaign, Trump allegedly orchestrated hush-money payments to Stormy Daniels (the charges that landed his handler Michael Cohen in prison referred to Trump as Individual #1). This list is hardly exhaustive and omits the dozen-plus civil lawsuits and civil investigations Trump faces. (emphasis added)
In a media press conference on Friday, President Biden said
he’s ‘convinced’ Russia will invade Ukraine, based on advice from U.S.
intelligence agencies.
But so far, so good… no Russian-Ukrainian war yet. Seems we’re still trying to give peace a
chance.
Based on media reports, we are getting a lot of mixed messages such as: Troops being ‘put in place’ and ‘at the ready’; Russian military commanders being given the ‘go-ahead’ by Putin; a summit between Biden and Putin being agreed to ‘in principle’, according to French President Macron; Ukrainian President Zelensky pushing for ‘preemptive sanctions’ to be put in place as a deterrent; etc. It really is hard to know what’s actually going on. But such can be expected in the fog of a pre-war. So, here’s the question:
Do you think Russia will invade Ukraine? If yes, how soon? If no, why not?
The bill’s sponsor, John Fillmore — who boasts of being the most conservative member of the Arizona State Legislature — told us in an interview that Bowers’s tactics amounted to saying: “I am God. I control the rules. You will do what I say.”Fillmore’s bill would have eliminated early voting altogether and mandated that all ballots be counted by hand.Bowers did not respond to multiple requests for an interview, but his public comments indicate a deep unease with how Trump and his base of supporters have promoted wild theories about election fraud and have pushed legislation that voting rights groups say amounts to an undemocratic, nationwide power grab.
“We gave the authority to the people,’’ Bowers told Capitol Media Services, an Arizona outlet, earlier this week. “And I’m not going to go back and kick them in the teeth.’’Bowers’s resistance to the shifting currents of Republican politics has made him a frequent target of the pro-Trump right.
Last year, when he survived an attempt to recall him from the Legislature, he complained about the aggressive tactics of the Trump supporters behind it.
“They’ve been coming to my house and intimidating our family and our neighborhood,” Bowers said, describing how mobile trucks drove by his home and called him a pedophile over a loudspeaker.Fillmore, who insisted he was willing to bargain over any aspects of his bill, said he was “disappointed that members of my caucus do not have the testicular fortitude” to stand up to Bowers.
But he hinted at moves afoot to remove the speaker, whom he accused of sabotaging what he said was a good-faith effort to rein in voting practices that, in his view, have gone too far.
“I’m an old-school person. I do not go calmly. I do not go quietly,” Fillmore warned. “I believe Republican voters are solidly in line with me.” (emphasis added)
MADISON, Wis. — First, Wisconsin Republicans ordered an audit of the 2020 election. Then they passed a raft of new restrictions on voting. And in June, they authorized the nation’s only special counsel investigation into 2020.
Now, more than 15 months after former President Donald J. Trump lost the state by 20,682 votes, an increasingly vocal segment of the Republican Party is getting behind a new scheme: decertifying the results of the 2020 presidential election in hopes of reinstalling Mr. Trump in the White House.
Wisconsin is closer to the next federal election than the last, but the Republican effort to overturn the election results here is picking up steam rather than fading away — and spiraling further from reality as it goes. The latest turn, which has been fueled by Mr. Trump, bogus legal theories and a new candidate for governor, is creating chaos in the Republican Party and threatening to undermine its push to win the contests this year for governor and the Senate.
The situation in Wisconsin may be the most striking example of the struggle by Republican leaders to hold together their party when many of its most animated voters simply will not accept the reality of Mr. Trump’s loss.
“This is a real issue,” said Timothy Ramthun, the Republican state representative who has turned his push to decertify the election into a nascent campaign for governor. Mr. Ramthun has asserted that if the Wisconsin Legislature decertifies the results and rescinds the state’s 10 electoral votes — an action with no basis in state or federal law — it could set off a movement that would oust President Biden from office.
“We don’t wear tinfoil hats,” he said. “We’re not fringe.”
Wisconsin has the nation’s most active decertification effort. In Arizona, a Republican state legislator running for secretary of state, along with candidates for Congress, has called for recalling the state’s electoral votes. In September, Mr. Trump wrote a letter to Georgia officials asking them to decertify Mr. Biden’s victory there, but no organized effort materialized.