Book Review
Superforecasting:
The Art & Science of Prediction
What most
accurately describes the essence of intelligent, objective, public
service-oriented politics? Is it primarily an honest competition among the
dominant ideologies of our times, a self-interested quest for influence and
power or a combination of the two? Does it boil down to understanding the
biological functioning of the human mind and how it sees and thinks about the
world? Or, or is it something else entirely?
Turns out, it isn’t even
close. Superforecasting comes down
squarely on the side of getting the biology right. Everything else is a distant
second.
Superforecasting: The Art & Science of Prediction, written by Philip E. Tetlock and Dan Gardener (Crown
Publishers, September 2015), describes Tetlock’s ongoing research into asking what
factors, if any, can be identified that contribute to a person’s ability to
predict the future. In Superforecasting,
Tetlock asks how well average but intellectually engaged people can do compared
to experts, including professional national security analysts with access to
classified information. What Tetlock and his team found was that the interplay
between dominant, unconscious, distortion-prone intuitive human cognitive
processes (“System 1” or the “elephant” as described before) and less-influential but conscious, rational processes (“System 2” or
the “rider”) was a key factor in how well people predicted future events.
Tetlock observes that a
“defining feature of intuitive judgment is its insensitivity to the quality of
the evidence on which the judgment is based. It has to be that way. System 1
can only do its job of delivering strong conclusions at lightning speed if it
never pauses to wonder whether the evidence at hand is flawed or inadequate, or
if there is better evidence elsewhere. . . . . we are creative confabulators
hardwired to invent stories that impose coherence on the world.”
It turns out, that with minimal
training and the right mind set, some people, “superforecasters”, routinely trounce
the experts. Based on a 4-year study, the “Good Judgment Project”, funded by
the DoD’s Intelligence Advanced Research Projects Agency, about 2,800 volunteers
made over a million predictions on topics that ranged from potential conflicts between
countries to currency fluctuations. Those predictions had to be, and were,
precise enough to be analyzed and scored.
About 1% of the 2,800
volunteers turned out to be superforecasters who beat national security
analysts by about 30% at the end of the first year. One even beat commodities
futures markets by 40%. The superforecaster volunteers did whatever they could
to get information, but they nonetheless beat professional analysts who were
backed by computers and programmers, spies, spy satellites, drones, informants,
databases, newspapers, books and whatever else that lots of money can buy. As
Tetlock put it, “. . . . these superforecasters are amateurs forecasting global
events in their spare time with whatever information they can dig up. Yet they
somehow managed to set the performance bar high enough that even the
professionals have struggled to get over it, let alone clear it with enough
room to justify their offices, salaries and pensions.”
What makes them so good?
The top 1-2% of volunteers were
carefully assessed for personal traits. In general, superforecasters tended to
be people who were eclectic about collecting information and open minded in
their world view. They were also able to step outside of themselves and look at
problems from an “outside view.” To do that they searched out and aggregated
other perspectives, which goes counter to the human tendency to seek out only
information that confirms what we already know or want to believe. That
tendency is an unconscious bias called confirmation bias. The open minded trait
also tended to reduce unconscious System 1 distortion of problems and potential
outcomes by other unconscious cognitive biases such as the powerful but very
subtle and hard to detect “what you see is all there is” bias, hindsight bias
and scope insensitivity, i.e., not giving proper weight to the scope of a
problem.
Superforecasters tended to break
complex questions down into component parts so that relevant factors could be
considered separately, which also tends to reduce unconscious bias-induced fact
and logic distortions. In general, superforecaster susceptibility to
unconscious biases was significantly lower than for other participants. That appeared
to be due mostly to their capacity to use conscious System 2 thinking to recognize
and then reduce unconscious System 1 biases. Most superforecasters shared 15
traits including (i) cautiousness based on an innate knowledge that little or nothing
was certain, (ii) being reflective, i.e., introspective and self-critical,
(iii) being comfortable with numbers and probabilities, and (iv) being pragmatic
and not wedded to any particular agenda or ideology. Unlike political
ideologues, they were pragmatic and did not try to “squeeze complex problems
into the preferred cause-effect templates [or treat] what did not fit as
irrelevant distractions.”
What the best forecasters
knew about a topic and their political ideology was far less important than how
they thought about problems, gathered information and then updated thinking and
changed their minds based on new information. The best engaged in an endless
process of information and perspective gathering, weighing information
relevance and questioning and updating their own judgments when it made sense.
It was work that required effort and discipline. Political ideological rigor
was detrimental, not helpful.
Regarding common
superforecaster traits, Tetlock observed that “a brilliant puzzle solver may
have the raw material for forecasting, but if he also doesn’t have an appetite
for questioning basic, emotionally-charged beliefs he will often be at a
disadvantage relative to a less intelligent person who has a greater capacity
for self-critical thinking.” Superforecasters have a real capacity for
self-critical thinking. Political, economic and religious ideology is mostly
beside the point.
Why this is important
The topic of predicting the
future might seem to some to have little relevance and/or importance to
politics and political policy. That belief is wrong. Tetlock cites an example
that makes the situation crystal clear. In an interview in 2014 with General
Michael Flynn, head of the Defense Intelligence Agency, DoD’s 17,000 employee equivalent
to the CIA, Gen. Flynn said “I think we’re in a period of prolonged societal
conflict that is pretty unprecedented.” A quick Google search of the phrase
“global conflict trends” and some reading was all it took to prove that belief
was wrong.
Why did Gen. Flynn, a
high-ranking, intelligent and highly accomplished intelligence analyst make
such an important, easily-avoided mistake? The answer lies in System 1 and its powerful
but unconscious “what you see is all there is” (WYSIATI) bias. He succumbed to
his incorrect belief because he spent 3-4 hours every day reading intelligence
reports filled with mostly bad news. In Ge. Flynn’s world, that was all there
was. In Flynn’s unconscious mind, his knowledge had to be correct and he therefore
didn’t bother to check his basic assumption. Most superforecasters would not
have made that mistake. They train themselves to relentlessly pursue
information from multiple sources and would have found what Google had to say
about the situation.
Tetlock asserts that partisan pundits opining on all sorts of things routinely fall prey to the WYSIATI bias for the same reason. They frequently don’t check their assumptions against reality and/or will knowingly lie to advance their agendas. Simply put, partisan pundits are frequently wrong because of their ideological rigidity and the intellectual sloppiness it engenders.
Tetlock asserts that partisan pundits opining on all sorts of things routinely fall prey to the WYSIATI bias for the same reason. They frequently don’t check their assumptions against reality and/or will knowingly lie to advance their agendas. Simply put, partisan pundits are frequently wrong because of their ideological rigidity and the intellectual sloppiness it engenders.
Limits and criticisms of forecasting
In Superforecasting, Tetlock points out that
predicting the future has limits. Although Tetlock is not explicit about this,
forecasting most questions for time frames more than about 18-36 months in the
future appears to become increasingly less accurate and fade into randomness.
That makes sense, given complexity and the number of factors that can affect
outcomes. Politics and the flow of human events are simply too complicated for
long-term forecasting to ever be feasible. What is not known is the ultimate
time range where the human capacity to predict fades into the noise of
randomness. More research is needed.
A criticism of Tetlock’s
approach argues that humans simply cannot foresee things and events that are so
unusual that they are not even considered possible until the event or thing is
actually seen or happens. Such things and events, called Black Swans, are also
believed to dictate major turning points and therefore even trying to predict
the future is futile. Tetlock rebuts that criticism, arguing that, (i) there is
no research to prove or disprove that hypothesis and (ii) clustered small
relevant questions can collectively point to a Black Swan or something close to
it. The criticism does not yet amount to a fatal flaw - more research is
needed.
Another criticism argues that
superforecasters operating in a specified time frame, 1-year periods in this
case, are flukes and they cannot defy psychological gravity for long. Instead,
the criticism argues that superforecasters will simply revert to the mean and
settle back to the ground the rest of us stand on. In other words, they would
become more or less like everyone else with essentially no ability to predict
future events.
The Good Judgment Project did
allow testing of that criticism. The result was the opposite of what the
criticism predicted. Although some faded, many of the people identified as
superforecasters at the end of year 1 actually got better in years 2 and 3 of
the 4-year experiment. Apparently, those people not only learned to limit the
capacity of their unconscious System 1 (the elephant)
to distort fact and logic, but they also consciously maintained that skill and
improved on how the conscious but rational System 2 (the rider) was able to counteract
the fact- and logic-distorting lenses of unconscious System 1 biases. Although
the mental effort needed to be objective was high, most superforecasters could
nonetheless defy psychological gravity, at least over a period of several
years.
The intuitive-subjective politics
problem
On the one hand, Tetlock sees
a big upside for “evidence-based policy”: “It could be huge - an
“evidence-based forecasting” revolution similar to the “evidence-based medicine”
revolution, with consequences every bit as significant.” On the other hand, he
recognizes the obstacle that intuitive or subjective (System 1 biased), status
quo two-party partisan politics faces: “But hopelessly vague language is still
so common, particularly in the media, that we rarely notice how vacuous it is.
It just slips by. . . . . If forecasting can be co-opted to advance their
[narrow partisan or tribe] interests, it will be. . . . . Sadly, in noisy
public arenas, strident voices dominate debates, and they have zero interest in
adversarial collaboration.”
The rational-objective politics theoretical
solution
For evidence-based policy,
Tetlock sees the Holy Grail of his research as “. . . . using forecasting
tournaments to depolarize unnecessarily polarized policy debates and make us
collectively smarter.” He asserts that consumers of forecasting need to “stop
being gulled by pundits with good stories and start asking pundits how their
past predictions fared - and reject answers that consist of nothing but
anecdotes and credentials. And forecasters will realize . . . . that these
higher expectations will ultimately benefit them, because it is only with the
clear feedback that comes with rigorous testing that they can improve their
foresight.”
What Tetlock is trying to do
for policy will be uncomfortable for most standard narrow ideology ideologues.
That’s the problem with letting unbiased fact and logic roam free - they will
go wherever they want without much regard for people’s personal ideologies or
morals. For readers who follow Dissident Politics (“DP”) and its focus on “objective politics” or ideology based on unbiased fact and unbiased logic in service to
an “objectively” defined public interest, this may sound like someone has plagiarized someone
else. It should. DP’s cognitive science-based ideology draws heavily on the
work of social scientists including Dr. Tetlock, Daniel
Khaneman, George Lakoff
and Richard Thaler.
Both Tetlock and DP advocate change via focusing policy and politics on understanding
human biology and unspun reality, not political ideology or undue attention for
special interest demands.
Tetlock focuses on evidence-based
policy, while DP’s focus is on evidence-based or “objective” politics. Those
things differ somewhat, but not much. In essence, Tetlock is trying to coax
pundits and policy makers into objectivity based on human cognitive science and
higher competence by asking the public and forecast consumers to demand better
from the forecasters they rely on to form opinions and world views. DP is
trying to coax the public into objectivity by adopting a new, “objective”
political ideology or set of morals based on human cognitive science. The hope is
that over time both average people and forecasters will see the merits of
objectivity. If widely accepted, either approach will eventually get society to
about the same place. More than one path can lead to the same destination,
which is politics based as much on the biology of System 2 cognition as the
circumstances of American politics will allow.
One way to see it is an
effort to elevate System 2’s capacity to enlighten over System 1’s awesome
power to hide and distort fact and logic. Based on Tetlock’s research, optimal
policy making, and by extension, optimal politics, does not boil down to being
more conservative, liberal, capitalist, socialist or Christian. Instead, it is
a matter of finding an optimum balance in the distribution of mental influence
between the heavily biased intuition-subjectivity of unconscious System 1 and
less-biased reason-objectivity of conscious System 2, aided by statistics or an
algorithm when a good one is available.
That optimum balance won’t
lead to perfect policy or politics. But, the result will be significantly
better in the long run than what the various, usually irrational, intuitive or subjective
mind sets deliver now.
The rational-objective politics
practical problem
For the attentive, the big
problem has already jumped out as obvious. Tetlock concedes the point: “. . . .
nothing may change. . . . . things may go either way.” Whether the future will
be a “stagnant status quo” or change “will be decided by the people whom
political scientists call the “attentive public.” I’m modestly optimistic.” Not
being a forecaster but an experiment instead, DP does not know the answer.
Tetlock and DP both face the same problem - how to foster the spread and
acceptance of an idea or ideology among members of a species that tends to be
resistant to change and biased against questioning innate morals and beliefs.
In essence, what Tetlock and DP both seek is replacing blind faith in personal political morals or ideology and unreasonable influence to narrow special interests with a new ideology grounded in understanding of human cognitive biology and respect for unbiased facts and unbiased logic. The goal of a biology-based political ideology or set of morals is to better serve the public interest. Those narrow interests include special interests and individuals who see the world through the distorting lenses of standard subjective "narrow" ideologies such as American liberalism, conservatism, socialism, capitalism and/or Christianity.
There is some reason for optimism that citizens who adopt such objective political morals or values can come to have significant influence in American politics. Tetlock points to one observer, an engineer with the following observation: "'I think it's going to get stranger and stranger' for people listen to the advice of experts whose views are informed only by their subjective judgment." Only time will tell if any optimism is warranted. Working toward more objectivity in politics is an experiment whose outcome cannot yet be predicted, at least not by DP. Maybe one of Tetlock's superforecasters would be up to that job.
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