Trump has repeatedly rejected climate change, calling it a hoax, con job, or a scam. While in office, his administrations have aggressively moved to weaken the EPA and neuter environmental laws and regulations. In essence, environmental laws and regulations are mostly no longer in effect. There is no major enforcement in practical terms. Law and regulation enforcement still exists on paper in a small number of cases. The number of civil lawsuits, inspections, penalties, and prosecutions has fallen sharply to a point that many experts describe enforcement efforts as effectively collapsed, not a functioning enforcement regime.
Dissident Politics
Pragmatic politics focused on the public interest for those uncomfortable with America's two-party system and its way of doing politics. Considering the interface of politics with psychology, cognitive biology, social behavior, morality and history.
Etiquette
Sunday, July 26, 2026
Update: Trump & global warming
Trump has repeatedly rejected climate change, calling it a hoax, con job, or a scam. While in office, his administrations have aggressively moved to weaken the EPA and neuter environmental laws and regulations. In essence, environmental laws and regulations are mostly no longer in effect. There is no major enforcement in practical terms. Law and regulation enforcement still exists on paper in a small number of cases. The number of civil lawsuits, inspections, penalties, and prosecutions has fallen sharply to a point that many experts describe enforcement efforts as effectively collapsed, not a functioning enforcement regime.
Saturday, July 25, 2026
Understanding Trump’s primary motives: authoritarianism, vengeance, and grift
By now it is clear and undeniable that Trump’s destructiveness runs deep and broad. Much more than what is needed for him to merely gain wealth and power. Something else is going on beyond mere blind lust for wealth and power.
The evidence so far indicates there are three main drivers or motives for such vast destruction. One is his innate authoritarianism and need for control. The 2nd is a need for personal vengeance against real and imagined wrongs. Last, and overlapping both and unifying his main motives, is his ruthless drive for self-enrichment via any means, including all kinds of grift. Reporting and analyses of his actions in office and explicit statements in Project 2025 make clear that his governing blueprint is aimed at concentrating power in the presidency and special interests. The tactics are standard for modern authoritarians in liberal democracies. Trump weakens checks and balances, attacks opposition and the free press, and politicizes and corrupts democratic institutions and the rule of law. Reliable sources describe this as an assault on democratic guardrails, not just ordinary partisan hardball.
Authoritarianism, specifically an above-the-law dictatorship for himself, is one part of the mindset. Reporting has documented a vast authoritarian war and vengeance campaign against federal employees, prosecutors, universities, law firms, cities, critics, the public interest, and democratic institutions, laws and norms. Trump himself openly frames many of his authoritarian attacks as “retribution”. The dictator demands revenge with his tyrant-level power. That significantly explains why the damage is often excessive. Enemies, real and imagined, are not just defeated in MAGA’s war on democracy and the rule of law. They are humiliated, intimidated, and sometimes made to pay.
On top of tyranny and vengeance, the third primary motive is grift or greed. Trump has repeatedly corrupted public office and political access into a vehicle for his personal enrichment. Watchdogs and news outlets have tracked family-linked profit streams, monetization of the presidency, and a pattern of self-dealing that is far bigger that recent modern politics had allowed. His criminal cases and convictions are relevant as direct evidence of his mindset where rules are obstacles, to be neutered or avoided, but not constraints.
Taken together, these motives make the destructiveness more much more intelligible. Authoritarianism creates destructive machinery, vengeance decides who gets crushed, and grift explains why so much corruption and institutional damage gets tolerated or even encouraged. Trump’s harm is not random at all of one sees those three core motives as primary drivers of Trump politics and policy. So far, what we see from Trump and MAGA politics and policy is a wealth and power project that rewards Trump personally with authoritarian power, satisfaction of retaliation, and wealth extraction all at once. It’s a win-win-win for Trump and his anointed special interest allies and corrupt enablers, but a lose-lose-lose for democracy, the rule of law, personal wealth and freedom, and the public interest.
Q1: If Trump politics and policy are mostly not driven by his lust for anti-democratic dictatorship, personal vengeance and wealth by grift, what are his primary drivers, e.g., defense of democracy, honest, transparent governance, lowering the price of food, gas and rent, stopping illegal immigration, or waging war against liberalism and Democratic Party communism or socialism?
Q2: What is the evidence, if any, that Trump politics and policy are truly driven primarily by defense of democracy, honest, transparent governance, lowering the price of food, gas and rent, stopping illegal immigration, or waging war against liberalism and Democratic Party communism or socialism?
Info sources:
1. Authoritarian Action Watch — Authoritarians use a consistent playbook of seven tactics. We’re tracking how rapidly the use and effectiveness of those tactics is changing in the U.S.
2. Sliding Toward Authoritarianism? — The Trump administration has embraced a wide range of authoritarian tactics, policies, and actions that undermine human rights protections as well as many key pillars of US democracy.
3. One Year of Project 2025: 53 Percent of Authoritarian Agenda’s Domestic Policy Recommendations Completed or Underway — The administration has used the framework of Project 2025 to consolidate power in those loyal to the president. Federal funding and policy decisions are now designed to punish those who disagree with the administration.
4. Trump’s campaign of retribution: At least 470 targets and counting — In his second term, Donald Trump has turned a campaign pledge to punish political opponents into a guiding principle of governance.
5. Trump promised retribution – how far will he go? — in a series of interviews following his May 2024 felony conviction, [Trump] was more blunt. He told television psychologist Dr Phil that “sometimes revenge can be justified” and “revenge does take time”
6. Tracking retaliatory use of arrests, prosecutions, and investigations by the Trump administration — Since Donald Trump returned to the presidency, the Department of Justice has launched numerous investigations and prosecutions against his political opponents – often, but not always, after direct public threats from the president himself. Most of those cases have failed
7. Trump ran on a promise of revenge. He’s making good on it
8. How the Establishment Is Helping Trump’s Revenge-a-thon
9. How Weak Federal Ethics Laws Enable Presidential Profiteering — Since taking office in January 2025, President Trump has pocketed an estimated $3 billion from his various business enterprises. His family is estimated to have raked in billions more.
10. The Corruption Chronicles — The scale and severity of Trump’s conflicts of interest has already far outstripped those of his first term.
11. Exposing President Trump’s Pay-to-Play Administration — This pay-to-play relationship is a defining feature of how Trump’s second administration is operating, by embracing unprecedented levels of unabashed political corruption. Multimillion dollar checks get political donors appointed to the presidential Cabinet; seven-figure corporate donations are rewarded with support for legislative and policy positions; and hefty inaugural fund donations make federal investigations disappear.
Friday, July 24, 2026
A Trump corruption roundup
The Symposium of Silicon (Satire)
The Symposium of Silicon
A dialogue in the manner of Plato, wherein SOCRATES finds himself, inexplicably, at a dinner party of tech oligarchs
PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Socrates, Musk, Thiel, Karp, Altman, Huang
The scene: a rooftop in Palo Alto. Wine is served in glasses shaped like rocket boosters. SOCRATES has arrived believing he was invited to discuss the nature of justice.
SOCRATES: Friends, I confess confusion. I came expecting a discussion of the just city, and instead I find you speaking of robots, gods, and something called "abundance." Perhaps we might begin simply — Musk, you spoke first. What is this AGI of which you speak?
MUSK: Socrates, imagine — no, you cannot imagine, that's the point — imagine a civilization where the difference between man and machine is as the difference between a chimpanzee and a man. We will be the chimpanzees, Socrates. Contentedly swinging in our trees. Eating our bananas. It will be wonderful.
SOCRATES: I see. And in this arrangement, who governs the chimpanzee?
MUSK: No one need govern anyone! Money will not exist. You simply have anything you think of.
SOCRATES: Anything?
MUSK: Anything.
SOCRATES: Suppose I think of your rocket company.
MUSK: (pause) Well, obviously there are edge cases.
THIEL: (interrupting, softly, as though revealing a secret) Socrates, may I speak plainly? What Elon describes as utopia I recognize as something far graver. When men promise universal comfort, universal safety, one world without want — this is not the coming of God, Socrates. This is the coming of the Antichrist.
SOCRATES: The Antichrist... offers abundance?
THIEL: Precisely his disguise! Peace and safety, Socrates — that is his slogan. Beware any man who promises you will never want again.
SOCRATES: Then you disagree with Musk.
THIEL: Entirely. Although I find his company's valuation quite sound.
MUSK: Peter, you invested in Palantir. You cannot possibly believe civilization needs saving while also insisting on backyard tomatoes for all.
THIEL: I contain multitudes, Elon.
KARP: (standing abruptly, wine sloshing) Gentlemen, GENTLEMEN. While you debate gardens of paradise, the actual battlefield awaits. Socrates — you ask what governs the chimpanzee. I will tell you: whoever controls the targeting software.
SOCRATES: You speak of war, then, not abundance.
KARP: I speak of avoiding war, Socrates, by developing weapons so terrifying that our adversaries dare not test us. This is peace through unspeakable technological menace. It is, in its way, quite beautiful.
SOCRATES: Menace... as peace.
KARP: You would understand if you had read more Heidegger.
SOCRATES: I confess I have read some Heidegger, and I do not recall him claiming technology as a means to "peace" but rather violence.
SOCRATES: Distributed how?
ALTMAN: Through mechanisms we're still finalizing.
SOCRATES: I see. And did you not once say this same technology carried grave risk of extinguishing mankind entirely?
ALTMAN: I did say that, yes.
SOCRATES: And now?
ALTMAN: Now I say prosperity. The facts remain identical; only my emphasis has evolved.
SOCRATES: Remarkable. In Athens we call a man who reverses his position without new evidence inconsistent. What do you call it here?
ALTMAN: Iteration.
MUSK: Speaking of extinction — I should mention, there remains perhaps a ten to twenty percent chance the robots simply kill everyone.
SOCRATES: Wait — this abundance you promised, it coexists with a one-in-five chance of annihilation?
MUSK: Of course. But consider the alternative — the heat death of the universe! Everything ends eventually, Socrates. So really it's about enjoying the ride.
SOCRATES: You would board a rocket with a twenty percent chance of exploding?
MUSK: Yes, obviously.
SOCRATES: Would you board it twice?
MUSK: (long pause) ...I have people for that.
HUANG: (raising a glass shaped like a graphics card) If I may lighten the mood — the important thing, Socrates, is simply that everyone buy more chips. Whether the future holds utopia or terminators, both futures require enormous quantities of chips. In this sense I am agnostic, and also extremely well-positioned.
SOCRATES: You have no view on which future arrives?
HUANG: I have a view on quarterly guidance.
SOCRATES: (to the group) Friends, let me attempt to summarize, that I might understand you rightly. Musk foresees a garden of infinite plenty, shadowed by a one-in-five chance of robotic apocalypse, which does not trouble him because the universe ends anyway. Thiel foresees the same plenty as the mask of a cosmic evil, unrelated to his own considerable stake in weapons software. Karp foresees permanent war-readiness as a form of peace. Altman foresees prosperity whose mechanism he cannot yet specify, having previously foreseen doom whose mechanism he also could not specify. And Huang foresees whichever future requires him to sell the most chips, which is to say, both.
ALL: Yes, essentially.
SOCRATES: Then it seems to me none of you are describing the future at all.
THIEL: What do you mean?
SOCRATES: I mean you are describing yourselves. Karp sells deterrence, and so he sees a world requiring deterrence. Musk sells rockets and now robots, and so he sees a world made safe by both, and enjoyable regardless. Altman sells a company whose worth depends on prosperity being imaginable, and so it is imaginable, until it is not, and then it is again. You have each mistaken your ledger for a prophecy.
KARP: That is a very reductive reading of extremely sophisticated geopolitical analysis.
SOCRATES: Perhaps. Tell me this, then, since you are all so certain: has any one among you changed your forecast because of new evidence, or only when your company changed its needs?
(A long silence. Someone's phone buzzes with a stock alert. No one answers.)
MUSK: Socrates, I don't think you understand exponential curves.
SOCRATES: I do not, friend. But I understand a merchant praising his own wares as the will of the gods, and I have understood it since long before your grandfather's grandfather learned to write. The costume changes. The performance does not.
(He rises to leave. Thiel begins quoting Girard to no one in particular. Karp is already on his phone with a general. Altman is drafting a blog post titled "Reflections." Musk has started talking about Mars again, then stops, remembering it is currently unfashionable, and pivots smoothly back to abundance. Huang refills everyone's glass.)
SOCRATES: (to himself, departing) And they say philosophy died with hemlock. It seems it merely changed its business model.