Etiquette



DP Etiquette

First rule: Don't be a jackass. Most people are good.

Other rules: Do not attack or insult people you disagree with. Engage with facts, logic and beliefs. Out of respect for others, please provide some sources for the facts and truths you rely on if you are asked for that. If emotion is getting out of hand, get it back in hand. To limit dehumanizing people, don't call people or whole groups of people disrespectful names, e.g., stupid, dumb or liar. Insulting people is counterproductive to rational discussion. Insult makes people angry and defensive. All points of view are welcome, right, center, left and elsewhere. Just disagree, but don't be belligerent or reject inconvenient facts, truths or defensible reasoning.

Friday, October 25, 2019

Wealth Inequality is Inherent in Markets

A recent Scientific American article, The Inescapable Casino, discusses models of wealth flow in markets. Depending on the model the results vary from significantly different from reality to amazingly close to exact reality over at least the last 30 years. The results have important implications for both political policy and political ideologies.

For all tested models, accurate or not, wealth invariably flows to a top few, with most people winding up with less or even in poverty unless government steps in and diverts wealth flow to the top. What wealth distribution models finally show depends on what assumptions are built into them. The accurate models give a very good measure of (1) current wealth inequality, (2) the reasons for the degree of inequality and (3) the chances of winding up at the top or bottom. The fundamental insight is this: Markets are like casinos that we cannot leave and it is a proven fact that the longer a person stays and plays in a casino, the higher their chances of losing. That is the reality of market economies for everyone.

The basic wealth flow model points to a situation where, for each economic transaction a person, company, group or nation makes, both parties to the transaction are equal in all respects, including power, knowledge, ability, intelligence, social situation and everything else. Obviously that does not come close to reflecting reality, e.g., poor people have less power and usually less information than most or nearly all companies and rich people. The end result of the pristine "libertarian" model (my term, not anyone else's) is pure oligarchy where rich people have almost all the wealth and power. That seems to accord with semi-current (2010) data.


Refined market models & three truths about them
The researchers refined their model by incrementally including three factors. Including each factor one at a time made the models outputs more and more accurate until they were essentially the same as reality. That is about as good as it can get for models of reality.[1]

If you add to the model three factors, it predicts reality about as close as mathematical models can get. The three factors account for:
1. Taxes, subsidies and inherent advantages that wealthy people and entities have over regular people, e.g., lower cost of borrowing and more knowledge for wealthy people and legal entities compared to regular people;
2. Initial wealth advantage, e.g. a person inherits at least $400 million from dad or any other source; and
3. Negative wealth, which reflects the drag on upward economic mobility from a person owing more than their assets are worth.

With all three factors in the model, the researchers describe their results like this:
Moreover, only a carefully designed mechanism for redistribution can compensate for the natural tendency of wealth to flow from the poor to the rich in a market economy. Redistribution is often confused with taxes, but the two concepts ought to be kept quite separate. Taxes flow from people to their governments to finance those governments' activities. Redistribution, in contrast, may be implemented by governments, but it is best thought of as a flow of wealth from people to people to compensate for the unfairness inherent in market economics. ..... Any single agent in this economy could have become the oligarch—in fact, all had equal odds if they began with equal wealth. In that sense, there was equality of opportunity. But only one of them did become the oligarch, and all the others saw their average wealth decrease toward zero as they conducted more and more transactions. To add insult to injury, the lower someone's wealth ranking, the faster the decrease. ..... In the long run, all participants in this economy except for the very richest one will see their wealth decay exponentially. ..... In fact, these mathematical models demonstrate that far from wealth trickling down to the poor, the natural inclination of wealth is to flow upward, so that the “natural” wealth distribution in a free-market economy is one of complete oligarchy. It is only redistribution that sets limits on inequality. The mathematical models also call attention to the enormous extent to which wealth distribution is caused by symmetry breaking, chance and early advantage (from, for example, inheritance).




If the models are correct, wealth tends to trickle up and various factors weigh against against most people, including being born poor, i.e., markets are not fair, and success is not based on just hard work. 

That raises questions: 
1. Are the models just baloney and of no relevance to the real world, e.g., increasing wealth of rich people and entities does not necessarily cause wealth to trickle down?
2. If the models are right, should government help to distribute wealth down to counteract it's innate mathematical tendency to trickle up?
3. Are the scientists right that it is only redistribution by government that sets limits on inequality, or would wealthy interests limit inequality on their own, e.g., in the name of fairness and/or something else?


Footnote:
1. In real life, there's usually or always a caveat(s) or exception(s). In this case, the caveat is the fact markets are a complex adaptive system, discussed here before. That means there necessarily is inherent unpredictability and even models that give great results now can, and must be, be wrong sometime in the future. That does not negate all of the value of (a) short-term predictions, or (b) modeling of data based on the past.  It just injects some caution.

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Shifting With the Landscape

Most of our political system is beyond our direct control, so while we might exert some small influence on it, it's usually drowned out overall.

Sure we can vote, but the impact is limited. We can campaign, but it's the same problem: It's bloody difficult to get enough people to agree with much less commit to a thing.

As it happens, our most effective options tend to be right in front of us.

The trick is to play the field. First, use the system rather than trying to change it and you'll often get more mileage out of your effort.

I'll give you some examples:

I'm trans. In my state there have been protections on the books for people like me since 2006. However, starting in 2015 people have been attempting to roll those back. One of the issues is laws around restroom usage. I got my birth certificate changed so any such law would force me into the women's restroom. Given that most people perceive me as a woman, regardless of me being male, this solves the problem for me in perpetuity. I no longer have to worry about such laws.

I'm queer, and I am concerned about the expansion of religion into government, especially with men like Mike Pence so close to the levers of power. One option in front of me is to start a church for queer folx, and lobby for rights using the very same "religious freedom" laws that are used to cast us out.

I don't like paying taxes toward endless wars and enriching the very wealthy. My options are (aside from running afoul of the IRS) to be very rich, or very poor. Very poor is easy enough if you can be comfortable with what you have and you're not inclined to want.

What other ways can you use the existing system in order to get what you want, despite the law?

Any ideas?


Climate Change Today: Not a Natural Cycle

One of the arguments that many climate science deniers use to deny that modern climate change is a man-made problem is to characterize it as just a natural cycle. That argument helps maintain the veneer climate science deniers need to reject or downplay climate change as a serious problem. In a short article, Climate Clincher, Scientific American summarized a paper published in July showing that current climate change is not part of a natural cycle.

Researchers analyzed 210 data sets of various ways to measure temperatures such as lake sediments and glacier ice for the last 2000 years. The results show that the current warming is unlike every past period of warming and cooling because all data sets show warming now everywhere on Earth. In past warming or cooling periods, there were always some indicators showing warming and some showing cooling. The current data shows only warming almost everywhere on Earth’s surface with few areas of cooling. That is unprecedented for the last 2000 years. It constitutes evidence that this period of warming is not part of a natural cycle.


Despite the Climate Clincher title, this data is unlikely to change many, if any, climate science denier minds. This topic is impervious to evidence or logic for people inclined to reject the political implications of anthropogenic climate change. Just as satellite data analysis showed warming to a high degree of confidence changed few or no minds, this new analysis is unlikely to make any noticeable difference in terms of government attitudes or policy. That data showed there is only about a 1-in-3.5 million chance (a ‘five sigma’ level of confidence) that the warming currently observed is due to random chance instead of human activity. That standard of confidence is what physicists require to accept as real a fundamental new finding such as the Higgs boson.


This new data analysis will not turn out to be a climate clincher for people who deny climate science. Nonetheless, for people with the moral courage to actually face reality for what it is, it doesn't hurt to have another bit of evidence that climate science is not making a huge mistake.

Separation of powers requires impeachment's separation from politics



House Democrats are taking a politically obvious, but constitutionally oblivious, approach to impeachment. Make no mistake, they are perfectly within their rights to proceed; however, how they proceed is crucial to preserving the importance of this monumental undertaking. As the framers knew, impeachment uniquely violates the separation of powers upon which the Constitution rests. An act of such magnitude demands full admission to the people and explicit imprimatur from their representatives, the House of Representatives, to proceed. 
Despite having begun de facto impeachment inquiries in several committees several months ago, Democrats have yet to take the formal step of a House vote to begin the official process. House Democrats recently reaffirmed that decision. The reason is clear: It would be bad politics for vulnerable Democrats – especially those in Trump districts – and leaders know this. 
Currently, Democrats can generate headlines without political headaches. Their approach as selective detectives – partial revelation without full responsibility – offers reward without risk. The problem is that while it makes for good politics, it is bad for the Constitution. 
How divergent this political approach is from the constitutional one taken by the framers is clear from a review of the 1787 Convention. The framers went to great lengths to circumscribe our government’s reach. Their framework, our Constitution, is remarkably brief because the government was not intended to be expansive. 
Even when power is allocated to the government, it is further checked by a separation. Descriptions of the Convention’s debates over the of separation of legislative, executive and judicial functions demonstrates the seriousness and length the framers went to achieve this. 
Amidst this circumscription and separation of power stands the anomaly of impeachment. Matching its overall brevity, the Constitution is similarly laconic on impeachment. 
What makes impeachment stand out is its unique contradiction of the separation of power. During the Convention, James Madison recorded Virginia’s elder statesman George Mason’s seriousness: “No point is of more importance than that the right of impeachment should be continued.” The legislative branch alone has the power to remove members of the other two branches. 
The process of this removal is equally telling of the framers’ intent to incorporate the powers into this abridgment of their separation. The process begins with the people’s direct representatives, the House, which passes articles of impeachment. It moves to the states’ representatives, the Senate (which was originally elected by the state legislatures and still retains equal state representation). The Senate serves as jury, with the Supreme Court’s chief justice presiding over the trial, and cannot convict the president without two-thirds voting for it. 
Despite this meticulous incorporation of all powers, impeachment cannot alter its contradiction. It remains a removal of the executive by the legislative presided over by the judicial. Impeachment is nothing short of an awesome, contradictory and ultimate power under our Constitution. 
Putting impeachment in its true constitutional context illustrates why the House must formally vote to begin it. The House votes on everything. It cannot so much as name a post office without a vote. If the House cannot transact the most trivial of business without a vote, how is it to be presumed it could undertake the most portentous business the Constitution permits? 
Without a vote, the question arises by what authority the House acts on this the most authoritative of business. The framers knew well when they included this ultimate lever that the carefully crafted separation of powers could also yield an impasse, whereby the powers could reach crisis and an inability to function. An ability to override this separation was included and given to the legislative branch to resolve this. 
This most monumental of powers was given to the legislature for a reason. It’s a power that could as easily have been placed at the disposal of the other two branches. But the idea was that the people were to hold that power through their representatives in Congress. They were to initiate it and determine its outcome. Such a careful procedure for so momentous a step demands deliberate action concurred in by the full will of the House to begin.
House Democratic leaders’ desire not to hold a vote to initiate impeachment proceedings is politically understandable. The problem is that it makes it no less constitutionally untenable. The Constitution’s separation of powers demands impeachment’s separation from politics.
J.T. Young served under President George W. Bush as the director of communications in the Office of Management and Budget and as deputy assistant secretary in legislative affairs for tax and budget at the Treasury Department. He served as a congressional staffer from 1987-2000.