Christian nationalist aggression on 1/6

Religion News Service writes: 

A team of scholars, faith leaders and advocates unveiled an exhaustive new report Wednesday (Feb. 9) that documents in painstaking detail the role Christian nationalism played in the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol and calling it an unsettling preview of things to come.

Christian nationalism was used to “bolster, justify and intensify the January 6 attack on the Capitol,” said Amanda Tyler, head of the Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty, which sponsored the report along with the Freedom From Religion Foundation. Tyler’s group is behind an initiative called Christians Against Christian Nationalism.

The organizations touted the report as “the most comprehensive account to date of Christian nationalism and its role in the January 6 insurrection,” compiled using “videos, statements, and images from the attack and its precursor events.”

An expert analysis of the coup attempt

On February 9, 2022, a team of seven experts released a 66 page analysis of the role of Christian nationalism (CN) in the 1/6 coup attempt. The bottom line is that CN played a significant but complex role. The movement was firmly on the side of those trying to overthrow the government, although it is an open question as to how deluded the rank and file were and still are. Probably highly deluded. 

Katherine Stewart, author of the 2019 book, The Power Worshippers: Inside the Dangerous Rise of Religious Nationalism (chapter review here), wrote this:

Because Christian nationalism is identified (or, more accurately, because it identifies itself) with a religion, the movement is often understood as a set of religious and/or theological positions that are then assumed to lead in a deductive way to a certain set of cultural and policy preferences, and from there to a certain kind of politics. But Christian nationalism is, first and foremost, a political movement. Its principal goal, and the goal of its most active leaders, is power. Its leadership looks forward to the day when they can rely on government for three things: power and influence for themselves and their political allies; a steady stream of taxpayer funding for their initiatives; and policies that favor “approved” religious and political viewpoints.

The strength of the movement is in its dense organizational infrastructure: a closely interconnected network of right-wing policy groups, legal advocacy organizations, legislative initiatives, sophisticated data operations, networking groups, leadership training initiatives, and media and messaging platforms, all working together for common political aims. Its leadership cadre includes a number of personally associated activists and politicians, some of them working through multiple organizations. It derives much of its power and direction from an informal club of funders, a number of them belonging to extended, hyper-wealthy families.

At the conferences and presentations I have reported on over the past year, audiences were told, heatedly and repeatedly, that America is and always has been a Christian nation, that the Bible is on the verge of being outlawed, and that the 2020 election was corrupt. This is part of the reason why the hold of Mr. Trump on this wing of the Republican Party has been so hard to break: because Christian nationalist gatherings generally don’t involve open debates about facts or policy, but rather displays of fidelity to a message and loyalty to the leaders who have managed to identify themselves with that message.

Today, many of the movement’s most influential organizations have embraced the cause of “election integrity” as a fairly transparent means of undercutting faith in elections as a cornerstone of our democracy. 

The rank and file come to the movement with a wide variety of backgrounds, ideas, and interests, and a very substantial number do not explicitly support anything like a “theocracy.” Many would be unhappy to learn all of the details about what their leaders are proposing. Much of this group votes identity, not policy. When they vote for the candidates who promise to end abortion or defend the traditional family or re-unite church and state, they aren’t explicitly aiming for major fundamental changes in the way American government is organized; they are making a statement about who they are, what they value in themselves, and perhaps what they fear in other people.  

They may also be drawn to the movement’s promise of certainty in an uncertain world. Against a backdrop of escalating economic inequality, deindustrialization, rapid technological change, and climate instability, many people, on all points of the economic spectrum, feel that the world has entered a state of disorder. The movement gives them confidence, an identity, and the feeling that their position in the world is safe. (emphasis added)

That last paragraph makes an important point. There is a shocking disconnect between what is in the minds of the CN leadership compared to the rank and file. For the rank and file, the CN movement is firmly grounded in lies and deceit. The elites know what they are doing and what they want, i.e., wealth, power and anti-democratic theocratic autocracy. By contrast, the rank and file believe they are defending democracy, and more or less, the status quo.  

Although it may appear counter intuitive and thus be hard to grasp, it is critical to understand that when people vote identity, not policy, some or most of them are supporting something they would strongly oppose if they understood what policies their identity actually stands for. The leadership knows exactly what it is doing, but most of the rank and file probably does not.

Andrew L. Whitehead (Associate Professor of Sociology) and Samuel L. Perry (Associate Professor of Sociology), co-authors of the 2020 book, Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States, wrote this:

One fascinating finding in almost all of these [social science] studies, though, is that religious practice and Christian nationalism are not one and the same. Pointing out the negative influence of Christian nationalism is not to be equated with decrying religious practice or Christianity, writ large. In fact, once researchers account for the influence of Christian nationalism and hold it constant, the influence of religious practice works in the exact opposite direction of Christian nationalism.

Current research indicates that, among other beliefs, CN adherents generally (i) oppose federal gun control restrictions because the Second Amendment is divinely inspired, (ii) hold anti-vaccine attitudes, (iii) distrust science and scientists, (iv) are scientifically illiterate toward religiously contested scientific claims, (v) support Trump and Trumpism in the last two national elections, (vi) endorse traditional gender roles (men lead and women follow), and (vii) hold anti-democratic attitudes favoring restricting the vote and denying the existence of voter suppression. 

There is a major structural and propaganda network of churches and radical right disinformation sources, e.g., Fox News, where the CN leadership pushes disinformation to deceive and motivate the rank and file. Interestingly people who are more active in church activities are less inclined to hold core CN beliefs. In other words, politically active CNs tend to claim to be following Christian teachings but do not engage in Christian practices as much as more active Christians. In a sense, they can be seen as faux Christians who are deluded by CN movement propaganda that elites use to trap and manipulate them into supporting a spiritual war against the forces of evil such as church-state separation, secularism including secular public education and same-sex marriage. 

The report goes into details of events that led up to the 1/6 coup attempt. Most of it is sordid and frightening. The grip that CN leaders' lies and crackpottery exert their have on millions of people is astonishing.

A treasonous CN crackpot, later arrested

Mug shot of another CN traitor arrested 

after the insurrection

A section of the report by Amanda Tyler, executive director of the Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty and leader of Christians Against Christian Nationalism, makes it clear that not all Christian clergy supported the coup attempt or the dragging of Jesus into CN muck. Here are some quotes from some, including some supporters of the ex-president:

“Peaceable transitions of power have marked our Republic since the beginning. It is part of honoring and submitting to God’s ordained leaders whether they were our choice or not. We need you, @POTUS to condemn this mob. Let’s move forward together. Praying for safety.” -- Southern Baptist Convention President J.D. Greear, via Twitter

“This mob attack on our Capitol and our Constitution is immoral, unjust, dangerous, and inexcusable. What has happened to our country is tragic, and could have been avoided. … President @realDonaldTrump, you have a moral responsibility to call on these mobs to stop this dangerous and anti-constitutional anarchy. Please do so.” -- Southern Baptist ethicist Russell Moore, via Twitter

“Armed breaching of capitol security behind a confederate flag is anarchy, unAmerican, criminal treason and domestic terrorism. President Trump must clearly tell his supporters ‘We lost. Go home now.’ ” -- California megachurch pastor Rick Warren, via Twitter

“I don’t know the Jesus some have paraded and waved around in the middle of this treachery today. They may be acting in the name of some other Jesus but that’s not Jesus of the Gospels.” -- Bible teacher Beth Moore, via Twitter

A few critics called CN out by name:

“The violence and sedition unfolding at the Capitol today — both inside and outside the building — are an unprecedented, anti-American, and anti-Christian attack on our democracy and on our people, one fueled by white supremacy, Christian nationalism, and the actions of self-serving Republican politicians.” -- Rev. Nathan Empsall, campaigns director, Faithful America

But for every real Christian who openly criticized the treason and violence, there were probably a million or two who were complicit by silence, including most Republicans in congress. 

The report includes several hundred citations and live links to primary information sources, making the fact assertions in it easy to check.

News bits

A New York Times article, How Joe Manchin Aided Coal, and Earned Millions, is interesting:

At every step of his political career, Joe Manchin helped a West Virginia power plant that is the sole customer of his private coal business. Along the way, he blocked ambitious climate action.

Fifteen miles south of the Pennsylvania border, looms a fortresslike structure with a single smokestack, the only viable business in a dying Appalachian town.

The Grant Town power plant is also the link between the coal industry and the personal finances of Joe Manchin III, the Democrat who rose through state politics to reach the United States Senate, where, through the vagaries of electoral politics, he is now the single most important figure shaping the nation’s energy and climate policy.

Mr. Manchin’s ties to the Grant Town plant date to 1987, when he had just been elected to the West Virginia Senate, a part-time job with base pay of $6,500. His family’s carpet business was struggling.

Opportunity arrived in the form of two developers who wanted to build a power plant in Grant Town, just outside Mr. Manchin’s district. Mr. Manchin, whose grandfather went to work in the mines at age 9 and whose uncle died in a mining accident, helped the developers clear bureaucratic hurdles.

Then he did something beyond routine constituent services. He went into business with the Grant Town power plant.

Mr. Manchin supplied a type of low-grade coal mixed with rock and clay known as “gob” that is typically cast aside as junk by mining companies but can be burned to produce electricity. In addition, he arranged to receive a slice of the revenue from electricity generated by the plant — electric bills paid by his constituents.

He created his business while a state lawmaker in anticipation of the Grant Town plant, which has been the sole customer for his gob for the past 20 years, according to federal data. At key moments over the years, Mr. Manchin used his political influence to benefit the plant. He urged a state official to approve its air pollution permit, pushed fellow lawmakers to support a tax credit that helped the plant, and worked behind the scenes to facilitate a rate increase that drove up revenue for the plant — and electricity costs for West Virginians.  

Records show that several energy companies have held ownership stakes in the power plant, major corporations with interests far beyond West Virginia. At various points, those corporations have sought to influence the Senate, including legislation before committees on which Mr. Manchin sat, creating what ethics experts describe as a conflict of interest.

Legal corruption is not limited to the Republicans. It is bipartisan. This exemplifies the corruption of our two-party system and the moral rot that enables it.

Another NYT article, When Nokia Pulled Out of Russia, a Vast Surveillance System Remained, shows the moral only moral concern for that motivates most big companies, profit: 

Nokia said this month that it would stop its sales in Russia and denounced the invasion of Ukraine. But the Finnish company didn’t mention what it was leaving behind: equipment and software connecting the government’s most powerful tool for digital surveillance to the nation’s largest telecommunications network.

The tool was used to track supporters of the Russian opposition leader Aleksei A. Navalny. Investigators said it had intercepted the phone calls of a Kremlin foe who was later assassinated. Called the System for Operative Investigative Activities, or SORM, it is also most likely being employed at this moment as President Vladimir V. Putin culls and silences antiwar voices inside Russia. 

Andrei Soldatov, an expert on Russian intelligence and digital surveillance who reviewed some of the Nokia documents at the request of The Times, said that without the company’s involvement in SORM, “it would have been impossible to make such a system.”

“They had to have known how their devices would be used,” said Mr. Soldatov, who is now a fellow at the Center for European Policy Analysis.

Money talks, everything else walks.

And, as we all know, demagogues and tyrants block inconvenient facts, truths and reasoning as much as possible:

Zelensky Gives Interview to Russian Journalists. Moscow Orders It Quashed.

President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine gave a 90-minute-long Zoom interview on Sunday to four prominent journalists from Russia, the country invading his. Hours later, the Kremlin responded. A government statement notified the Russian news media “of the necessity to refrain from publishing this interview.” Journalists based outside Russia published it anyway. Those still inside Russia did not.

That speaks for itself.

Ukrainian soldier by the wreck of a Russian tank

Ivan Ilyin, Putin’s Philosopher of Russian Fascism

“The fact of the matter is that fascism is a redemptive excess of patriotic arbitrariness.” — Ivan Ilyin, 1927

“My prayer is like a sword. And my sword is like a prayer.” — Ivan Ilyin, 1927

“Politics is the art of identifying and neutralizing the enemy.” — Ivan Ilyin, 1948

Ivan Ilyin, ~1920

This was written by historian Timothy Snyder, a well-known expert on democracy and tyranny. This is pretty creepy stuff with some close parallels to American radical right thinking, morality and propaganda tactics.  

Ivan Ilyin provided a metaphysical and moral justification for political totalitarianism, which he expressed in practical outlines for a fascist state. Today, his ideas have been revived and celebrated by Vladimir Putin.

And so the Russian, a philosopher, understood history as a disgrace. Nothing that had happened since creation was of significance. The world was a meaningless farrago of fragments. The more humans sought to understand it, the more sinful it became. Modern society, with its pluralism and its civil society, deepened the flaws of the world and kept God in his exile. God’s one hope was that a righteous nation would follow a Leader into political totality [wholeness], and thereby begin a repair of the world that might in turn redeem the divine. Because the unifying principle of the Word was the only good in the universe, any means that might bring about its return were justified.

Thus this Russian philosopher, whose name was Ivan Ilyin, came to imagine a “Russian Christian fascism”. Born in 1883, he finished a dissertation on God’s worldly failure just before the Russian Revolution of 1917. Expelled from his homeland in 1922 by the Soviet power he despised, he embraced the cause of Benito Mussolini and completed an apology for political violence in 1925. In German and Swiss exile, he wrote in the 1920s and 1930s for White Russian exiles who had fled after defeat in the Russian civil war, and in the “1940s and 1950s [he wrote] for future Russians who would see the end of the Soviet power.”

A tireless worker, Ilyin produced about twenty books in Russian, and another twenty in German. Some of his work has a rambling and commonsensical character, and it is easy to find tensions and contradictions. One current of thought that is coherent over the decades, however, is his metaphysical and moral justification for political totalitarianism, which he expressed in practical outlines for a fascist state. A crucial concept was “law” or “legal consciousness” (“pravosoznanie” [compound word pravo=law & soznanie=consciousness]). For the young Ilyin, writing before the Revolution, law embodied the hope that Russians would partake in a universal consciousness that would allow Russia to create a modern state. For the mature, counter-revolutionary Ilyin, a particular consciousness (“heart” or “soul,” not “mind”) permitted Russians to experience the arbitrary claims of power as law. Though he died forgotten in 1954, Ilyin’s work was revived after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, and guides the men who rule Russia today.

Marxists such as Lenin were atheists. They thought that by Spirit, Hegel meant God or some other theological notion, and replaced Spirit with society. Ilyin was not a typical Christian, but he believed in God. Ilyin agreed with Marxists that Hegel meant God, and argued that Hegel’s God had created a ruined world. For Marxists, private property served the function of an original sin, and its dissolution would release the good in man. For Ilyin, God’s act of creation was itself the original sin. There was never a good moment in history, and no intrinsic good in humans.The Marxists were right to hate the middle classes, and indeed did not hate them enough. Middle-class “civil society” entrenches plural interests that confound hopes for an “overpowering national organization” that God needs. Because the middle classes block God, they must be swept away by a classless national community. But there is no historical tendency, no historical group, that will perform this labor. The grand transformation from Satanic individuality to divine totality must begin somewhere beyond history.

According to Ilyin, liberation would arise not from understanding history, but from eliminating it. Since the earthly was corrupt and the divine unattainable, political rescue would come from the realm of fiction. (my emphasis) In 1917, Ilyin was still hopeful that Russia might become a state ruled by law. Lenin’s revolution ensured that Ilyin henceforth regarded his own philosophical ideas as political. Bolshevism had proven that God’s world was as flawed as Ilyin had maintained. What Ilyin would call “the abyss of atheism” of the new [Soviet] regime was the final confirmation of the flaws of the world, and of the power of modern ideas to reinforce them.

After he departed Russia, Ilyin would maintain that humanity needed heroes, outsized characters from beyond history, capable of willing themselves to power. In his dissertation, this politics was implicit in the longing for a missing totality [wholeness] and the suggestion that the nation might begin its restoration. It was an ideology awaiting a form and a name.

Although Ilyin was inspired by fascist Italy, his home as a political refugee between 1922 and 1938 was Germany. As an employee of the Russian Scholarly Institute (Russisches Wissenschaftliches Institut), he was an academic civil servant. It was from Berlin that he observed the succession struggle after Lenin’s death that brought Joseph Stalin to power. He then followed Stalin’s attempt to transform the political victory of the Bolsheviks into a social revolution. In 1933, Ilyin published a long book, in German, on the famine brought by the collectivization of Soviet agriculture.

Writing in Russian for Russian émigrés, Ilyin was quick to praise Hitler’s seizure of power in 1933. Hitler did well, in Ilyin’s opinion, to have the rule of law suspended after the Reichstag Fire of February 1933. Ilyin presented Hitler, like Mussolini, as a Leader from beyond history whose mission was entirely defensive. “A reaction to Bolshevism had to come,” wrote Ilyin, “and it came.” European civilization had been sentenced to death, but “so long as Mussolini is leading Italy and Hitler is leading Germany, European culture has a stay of execution.” Nazis embodied a “Spirit” (Dukh) that Russians must share.

According to Ilyin, Nazis were right to boycott Jewish businesses and blame Jews as a collectivity for the evils that had befallen Germany. Above all, Ilyin wanted to persuade Russians and other Europeans that Hitler was right to treat Jews as agents of Bolshevism. This “Judeobolshevik” idea, as Ilyin understood, was the ideological connection between the Whites and the Nazis.

The article is long. Those are some selected parts.

Germaine’s fraught descent into mindreading and clinical diagnosis

What baffles the hell out of me are the recurring thoughts and behaviors among authoritarians, including the ones ruining American society today. They include morally noxious and ridiculous beliefs that (i) inconvenient truth is nothing at all, literally nothing, and (ii) they know how fix all problems and save humanity, which they are happy to do by force. Those minds reek of deep, cold sociopathy. They will kill if they have to, and probably enjoy it. There is no room for logic, morality or empathy in that black place. Unquestioning self-delusion of perfection manifests as dumb, cold arrogance. 

Presumably Ilyin really believed what Snyder finds from his published works. But the idea that people like Putin sincerely relies on the same reasoning feels wrong. Putin very well could point to Ilyin as moral justification for his brutal tyranny, but does he really buy all that crap about flawed God, national restoration and whatnot? I doubt it. It’s a buttload of garbage, useful only as an smoke screen.

In my opinion, Putin is a sociopath with intelligence, viciousness and a good work ethic, not someone concerned with God’s mistakes or any other high-minded reasoning. He does not care about dense philosophical argument. That is just a foil to elevate his joy of brutality and mega-scale theft to a learned excuse to be a cruel, rotten tyrant-kleptocrat. He likes wealth and power. That’s it. 

Well, maybe he also likes killing people.

Question: Is Germaine off the rez, out of his depth and/or just shooting blanks, or are Putin and radical right American authoritarians really drinking Kool-Aid and blither cocktail?

Acknowledgement: Thanks to fuster for citing this article.

Mass delusion, moral courage and the mass psychology of fascism

A 21:49 video by groups called After Skool (AS) and Academy of Ideas discusses mass psychology involved in violence and authoritarianism. It points to innate human traits as the key source of mass psychosis, which AS calls mass mental illness. Some of this feels dated, but the general contours feel very relevant and current.

The video starts with these thoughts:

According to  Wikipedia, Charles-Marie Gustave Le Bon (1841–1931) was a leading French polymath whose areas of interest included anthropology, psychology, sociology, medicine, invention, and physics. He is best known for his 1895 work The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind, which is considered one of the seminal works of crowd psychology. In the book, Le Bon claims that there are several characteristics of crowd psychology: “impulsiveness, irritability, incapacity to reason, the absence of judgement of the critical spirit, the exaggeration of sentiments, and others...” 

A couple of points from the video:

• Humans are their own worst enemy dues to incapacity to control themselves, summarized as “Man is wolf to man”

• When mental illness (mass delusion) in a society become the norm, humans are at their worst

Episodes of mass psychosis include American and European witch hunts 

of the 16th and 17th centuries and 20th century totalitarianism 

• Moral and intellectual rot and loss of control typifies the mass psychosis disease among the affected; those people typically become unreasonable, emotional and irresponsible to some non-trivial degree; crimes can become group-sanctioned and acceptable or normalized, but nearly all of the affected people are unaware of this → the psychosis manifests itself almost entirely or entirely in the unconscious mind, not consciousness 

• The most common case of mass psychosis is a flood of negative emotions resulting in anxiety, fear and panic, and that leads people to look for psychological relief and comfort from the burden; some people have the moral courage (my term, not in the video) to face their fears and anxieties, but most people experience a psychotic break that leads to a state of mind grounded in a perception of more simplicity, order and personal agency (control) in their lives → people gain relief by blending fact with fiction and rationality with comforting motivated reasoning → irrationality increases and rationality decreases

• In modern times, the greatest threat from within is the appeal of totalitarianism (or at least authoritarianism -- democracy is always a threat); the rulers are power hungry and see themselves as Godlike or perfect; most of the affected masses are willing to cede power to the elites in return for psychological comfort

• The masses are primed for totalitarianism by sowing fear through constant propaganda, fake news, lies and confusing reporting to obscure the true nature of what is happening; over time, public confusion leads people to be more susceptible to false claims and waves threats; threat presented in successive waves are asserted to be increasingly dangerous and imminent; a side effect is decreasing morality (loss of moral courage, my term, not in the video)

Does this sound familiar? It should because it is and has been standard 

Republican and American radical right propaganda tactics for decades --

That includes laissez-faire capitalist propaganda and 

Christian nationalist fundamentalism propaganda   

• Social media, cell phones, information screening algorithms, and shameless propaganda and lies on television and radio are collectively persuasive and pervasive → people voluntarily subject themselves to the propaganda of the elites and powerful special interests  → people get trapped in siloes and are insulated from dissenting opinions and reality that is contrary to the propaganda

Pragmatic rationalism is a parallel structure

Acknowledgement: Thanks to Freeze Peach for bringing this video to my attention.