Etiquette



DP Etiquette

First rule: Don't be a jackass. Most people are good.

Other rules: Do not attack or insult people you disagree with. Engage with facts, logic and beliefs. Out of respect for others, please provide some sources for the facts and truths you rely on if you are asked for that. If emotion is getting out of hand, get it back in hand. To limit dehumanizing people, don't call people or whole groups of people disrespectful names, e.g., stupid, dumb or liar. Insulting people is counterproductive to rational discussion. Insult makes people angry and defensive. All points of view are welcome, right, center, left and elsewhere. Just disagree, but don't be belligerent or reject inconvenient facts, truths or defensible reasoning.

Thursday, June 9, 2022

Commentators opine on the 1/6 hearings to be televised today

A ponderous gasbag


Two op-ed essays in the New York Times are not optimistic that the hearings will amount to much. They maybe be justified in their pessimism, or maybe cold realism for the pragmatists in the crowd. In his essay, The Jan. 6 Committee Has Already Blown It, David Brooks writes:
My Times colleagues Annie Karni and Luke Broadwater wrote an article with the headline, “Jan. 6 Hearings Give Democrats a Chance to Recast Midterm Message.” Democrats, they reported, are hoping to use the hearings to show midterm voters how thoroughly Republicans are to blame for what happened that day.

Other reports have suggested other goals. The committee members are trying to show how much Donald Trump was involved with efforts to overturn the election, so he is forever discredited. They are expected to use witnesses like the former White House aide Cassidy Hutchinson to show exactly what went on inside the administration that day and in the lead-up to it. One lawmaker told The Washington Post that voters have shifted their attention to issues like inflation and the pandemic, so it is key to tell a gripping story that “actually breaks through.”

No offense, but these goals are pathetic.

Using the events of Jan. 6 as campaign fodder is small-minded and likely to be ineffective. If you think you can find the magic moment that will finally discredit Donald Trump in the eyes of the electorate, you haven’t been paying attention over the last six years.

We don’t need a committee to simply regurgitate what happened on Jan. 6, 2021. We need a committee that will preserve democracy on Jan. 6, 2025, and Jan. 6, 2029. We need a committee to locate the weaknesses in our democratic system and society and find ways to address them.

The core problem here is not the minutiae of who texted what to chief of staff Mark Meadows on Jan. 6 last year. The core problem is that there are millions of Americans who have three convictions: that the election was stolen, that violence is justified in order to rectify it and that the rules and norms that hold our society together don’t matter.
Brooks has a point. Actually, at least two points. First T**** cannot be further discredited by anything that has happened so far. Second, too many Americans now reject restraining norms. That was the glue that held us together, even if some of it was the now vilified and discredited PC. The glue is gone and with it, so is respect for democracy, the rule of law, civility and respect for inconvenient fact, truth and sound reasoning. The wreckage is gigantic.

Maybe worse from what I can tell, the same anti-democratic poison appears to be slowly seeping into America's political left.

In his essay, The Anticlimax of the Jan. 6 Hearings, commentator Jacob Bacharach focuses on the loss of respect for facts. Bacharach writes:
Even if [the televised hearings] manage to drag a few million American eyeballs away from the streaming platforms for a few evenings with some measure of spectacle and the promise of comeuppance for some of the minor and expendable figures from Trumpworld, their scope and impact are likely to be minor. The modern Democratic Party has not often shown itself to be capable of transcendent political showmanship, and the televised congressional hearing, as a genre, has likewise been in decline for a long time.

Democrats, liberals generally and a few anti-Trump Republicans who have become pariahs in their party have been burned before in their efforts to hold Donald Trump and his allies accountable — by the breathlessly anticipated report from Robert Mueller, by two impeachments that led only to acquittals in the Senate, by the steady drip-drip of petty crimes and gross corruptions out of Mr. Trump’s circle, none of which brought about the cinematic courtroom conclusion that many seemed to hope for: an unambiguous and final guilty verdict.

What’s more, there is little evidence to suggest that something as analog and old-fashioned as sworn witness testimony is going to change anyone’s mind. Frustrated Democratic voters have watched for years as the G.O.P. has wielded congressional hearings to great media effect while their own party clung to forms and procedures, unable and unwilling to do what was necessary to break through the noise.

As with so much else in America’s increasingly gerontocratic political culture, the desire for decisive congressional hearings feels trapped in amber, pure nostalgia for a now-lost and lamented era of consensus reality, when, as it has become fashionable to observe, people disagreed about politics and policies but agreed on the facts.  
What Democratic leaders fail to appreciate is that our society seems to be reverting to the factional, regional and violent version of America that existed before television — during a long 19th century from which we awoke only briefly and imperfectly. .... A terrifying historical counterfactual is that the only thing that might have gotten enough of the G.O.P. on board to matter would have been if the rioters had actually gone through with it [murdering Pence on 1/6], and even then, it’s hard to be sure.
Bacharach then turns to American history and points out that the brief period after WWII was an exceptional time when Americans generally agreed on facts. The rest of the time, there was no agreement of facts. Just political propaganda warfare. Maybe the horrors of war scared the fantasy right out of people and that got replaced with the horrors of a somewhat less fantasized reality. Some commonly agreed on facts really did exist.

But it is now clear that Americans as a whole never had the moral courage to face complete, unspun reality. All the inconvenient fact and truth that accompanies it is more than most people could take.

Bacharach cites Gerald Ford's pardon of Nixon and the nothingburger the Iran-contra hearings amounted to as examples of the erosion of respect for facts and the weakening of democracy and rule of law. Bacharach described the disappointment of Iran-contra like this: “The hearings themselves were compelling; the tenor and quality of questioning can feel like a transmission from a lost world of verbal dexterity and mental acumen compared with today’s ponderous gasbagging, and one of the underlings went to prison, but many of those most responsible escaped any serious penalties.” In terms of criminal penalties, both Nixon and the high level Iran-contra criminals got off mostly or completely unscathed. The rule of law was rotting away.

Does any of that sound familiar?

Although Bacharach does not say it, it necessarily follows in logic that if facts are not agreed on, then there will be times, maybe usually, when one or bother tribes at war adopt some or many false facts as their reality. If false facts are in the mix, then what about truth and reasoning? Both of those can be fatally flawed too.

And that is why the stubborn cuss Germaine keeps referring to attacks on and disrespect for actual facts, true truths and sound reasoning as central targets for demagogues, tyrants, kleptocrats, radical extremists and the like. Those are the people who have no choice but to stand in opposition to facts or face failure. Once respect for facts are undermined and discredited, all the rest will necessarily fall. True truth and sound reasoning will bite the dust. The rule, garbage in, garbage out, applies.

In my opinion, respect for actual facts is what significantly characterized that brief period of social and political harmony after WWII.[1] Another was that the rest of the world is in ruins or the dark ages. America could compete far better than anyone else, so it was good times.



Footnote: 
1. American social and political harmony after WWII was partial, not complete. It did not generally apply to racial minorities, the LGBQT community, women and other out-groups, e.g., atheists. Americans and probably all societies cannot take undiluted blasts of reality. Reality has to dribble out to be socially absorbed over time (usually decades) in something the average non-conservative might call social progress. Presumably most conservatives would generally see social progress as social rot, but occasionally come along on the ride after a few extra decades. 

Tuesday, June 7, 2022

Crossing the line into neo-fascism: Republicans fabricating evidence

Since the November 2020 elections, I thought that Republicans would be tempted and cross a line from merely alleging massive fraud and crimes by Democrats to fabricating evidence to “prove” their false allegations. I expected the crackpot Cyber Ninja vote recount in Arizona to be an example of evidence fabrication, but that did not happen. The Cyber Ninjas and Republican vote fraud claims were just repeated, without any evidence of widespread vote fraud. No evidence, e.g., fake ballots with fake votes, was fabricated and shown as proof of vote fraud in Arizona.

Republican neo-fascists just didn't quite have the guts to fabricate and submit vote fraud evidence.

Republicans definitely want to commit vote fraud. So far, the clearest evidence of Republican intent to commit fraud has included the phone call the ex-president made to the Georgia Secretary of State, where he asked the Secretary to "find" about 11,780 votes so that he could be named as the faux winner of the 2020 election in Georgia. If the Secretary had done so, that would have been an example of the massive vote fraud that Republican elites have been constantly howling about. 

Now, Republicans in Michigan appear to have crossed the line into real live evidence fabrication on a large scale. Evidence of Republican fraud is fake signatures on a state ballot measure and on nominating petitions for Republican candidates for Governor of Michigan. Evidence has been fabricated. Republicans in Michigan have crossed this critically important line of defense of democracy and the rule of law.

Several sources are reporting on massive fraudulent signatures that Republicans have gathered, and in some instances, fraudulently submitted to state officials as valid signatures. Yahoo News reports:
A Republican effort in Michigan to put what they describe as an anti-voter fraud initiative on November’s ballot has failed after tens of thousands of signatures on a required petition were discovered to be fraudulent.

The Wolverine State GOP had mounted a petition drive to place something they call “Secure MI Vote” on the ballot during the November midterm elections. The initiative is nearly identical to a bill restricting absentee voting and imposing voter ID requirements that was vetoed by Governor Gretchen Whitmer last year.

If successful, the initiative would’ve enacted the restrictions into law without any chance for Ms Whitmer to veto it. 
But organisers have dropped plans to submit their petition after realizing that roughly 20,000 of the 435,000 signatures gathered were fraudulent.
There, the faux signatures were gathered, but the Republicans behind that fraud did not have the guts to submit them. They feared what is left of the rule of law.

As usual, the radical right propaganda sprang into instant damage control and spin & lies action. Truthout writes on the spin control and the actual fraud the Michigan GOP committed:
“The fact of the matter is our volunteers, our supporters had put in too much hard work for us to end up getting bounced off the ballot due to some technicality,” he told reporters at a press conference on Wednesday.
The announcement came just days after the state’s Bureau of Elections and Board of Canvassers disqualified five of the 10 Republicans running for governor, including frontrunners James Craig and Perry Johnson, after discovering that thousands of the signatures on the petitions they circulated to qualify for the ballot were fraudulent. The Bureau of Elections identified 36 petition circulators who submitted at least 68,000 fraudulent signatures in the gubernatorial primary, as well as in nine other nominating contests. Craig and Johnson argued they were victims of the fraud, not its perpetrators, but a court upheld both of their disqualifications this week. 
“At the end of the day, you have to take responsibility for who you hired to collect your signatures,” said Nancy Wang, executive director of Voters Not Politicians, a nonpartisan advocacy group that successfully backed a citizen initiative to reform redistricting.

Wang accused the campaign of trying to “abuse” the citizen initiative process.

“They’re trying to use it as a way to do an end-run around the voters,” she said. “In fact, they’re supposed to be using it to demonstrate that they have a level of support, that they have the right to be on the ballot. They haven’t been able to do that.”

Roe suggested that the petition circulators had faked the signatures. But long before Wednesday’s announcement, the Secure MI Vote drive was plagued by allegations that petition circulators were misleading voters. Numerous reports on social media and in local news outlets alleged that petition circulators made blatantly false statements to Black voters while trying to convince them to sign a petition that could “risk their own disenfranchisement.”
The ballot measure fraudsters claim that 20,000 fraudulent signatures were just a mere technicality. Just a technicality. Republican laws to subvert elections in red states rely heavily on punishing technical errors by voters in elections. Some of those errors are felonies. Neo-fascist Republicans are hell bent on severely punishing errors by voters who make honest mistakes. But Republican elites who make 20,000 mistakes, honest or not, dismiss that a just an innocent technicality. 




Here is another key trait of American neo-fascism: The laws apply to most average people, particularly non-Republicans, but they do not apply to Republican elites and rich people generally. Elite neo-fascists can break laws in the name of technicalities, while most everyone else gets the shaft. 

Also note, the GOP governor candidates who committed their fraud claim victimhood. They assert they were victims of fraud by the signature gatherers. They deny all responsibility. They have plausible deniability on their side. 

One can just feel how tempting it is to fabricate evidence. Once that line is crossed for the first time, it gets easier on the second, and even easier on the third. And then democracy and the rule of law falls to tyrant demagogues and kleptocrats.


Q: What are the odds of any Republican politician in Michigan being prosecuted for fraud?
A: Close to zero.

Q: Should Republican candidates who submitted fraudulent signatures for candidates for governor be held responsible for submitting 68,000 fraudulent signatures?
A: Opinions will vary. But Republicans will say hell no and they have plausible deniability, the fraudsters’ best friend, on their side. It does not matter what non-Republican opinions are, because plausible deniability will protect the Republican guilty, even more than it protects the non-Republican innocent.

Since we are on the subject of Wokeness.........

                             What we need is some white rapper to set us straight, damn right.

                                                And this guy, he is tellin' it like it is, y'all.


And this guy, he don't even like us SNOWFLAKES very much.


He prefers to defend AMERICA.


And believes NO LIVES MATTER.


Man, like that is tellin' us all how it is, right? RIGHT? RIGHT?

OR.......... 


OR................ he is just too way out there? 











Monday, June 6, 2022

A criticism of wokeness

A recent New York Times op-ed essay argued that the Republican Party is weaponizing and demagoguing the issue of wokeness (discussed here yesterday). Although modern Republican demagoguery routinely includes hyperbole, lies, slanders, flawed motivated reasoning and so forth, there is some truth and reasonable thinking in some of their criticisms. There is some evidence that this line of attack is effective in drawing in some Hispanics and White voters to Republican candidates. 

There arguably are problems with woke radicalism and attendant rigid dogma. Most elites in the Democratic Party appear to be unaware of this issue and/or the danger it presents to the party and democracy. 

On July 7, 2020, Harper's Magazine published an open letter signed by dozens of prominent observers who see and criticize the danger of radical wokeness to the Democratic Party and democracy. The dangers include intolerance of criticism and closed-mindedness, which characterize and dominate the GOP at present. Wokeness appears to be radicalizing the Democratic Party in ways that look like what the Republican Party has degenerated into.

Our cultural institutions are facing a moment of trial. Powerful protests for racial and social justice are leading to overdue demands for police reform, along with wider calls for greater equality and inclusion across our society, not least in higher education, journalism, philanthropy, and the arts. But this needed reckoning has also intensified a new set of moral attitudes and political commitments that tend to weaken our norms of open debate and toleration of differences in favor of ideological conformity. As we applaud the first development, we also raise our voices against the second. The forces of illiberalism are gaining strength throughout the world and have a powerful ally in Donald Trump, who represents a real threat to democracy. But resistance must not be allowed to harden into its own brand of dogma or coercion—which right-wing demagogues are already exploiting. The democratic inclusion we want can be achieved only if we speak out against the intolerant climate that has set in on all sides.

The free exchange of information and ideas, the lifeblood of a liberal society, is daily becoming more constricted. While we have come to expect this on the radical right, censoriousness is also spreading more widely in our culture: an intolerance of opposing views, a vogue for public shaming and ostracism, and the tendency to dissolve complex policy issues in a blinding moral certainty. We uphold the value of robust and even caustic counter-speech from all quarters. But it is now all too common to hear calls for swift and severe retribution in response to perceived transgressions of speech and thought. More troubling still, institutional leaders, in a spirit of panicked damage control, are delivering hasty and disproportionate punishments instead of considered reforms. Editors are fired for running controversial pieces; books are withdrawn for alleged inauthenticity; journalists are barred from writing on certain topics; professors are investigated for quoting works of literature in class; a researcher is fired for circulating a peer-reviewed academic study; and the heads of organizations are ousted for what are sometimes just clumsy mistakes. Whatever the arguments around each particular incident, the result has been to steadily narrow the boundaries of what can be said without the threat of reprisal. We are already paying the price in greater risk aversion among writers, artists, and journalists who fear for their livelihoods if they depart from the consensus, or even lack sufficient zeal in agreement.

This stifling atmosphere will ultimately harm the most vital causes of our time. The restriction of debate, whether by a repressive government or an intolerant society, invariably hurts those who lack power and makes everyone less capable of democratic participation. The way to defeat bad ideas is by exposure, argument, and persuasion, not by trying to silence or wish them away. We refuse any false choice between justice and freedom, which cannot exist without each other. As writers we need a culture that leaves us room for experimentation, risk taking, and even mistakes. We need to preserve the possibility of good-faith disagreement without dire professional consequences. If we won’t defend the very thing on which our work depends, we shouldn’t expect the public or the state to defend it for us. 
~160 signatures 


Acknowledgment: Thanks to PD for citing this letter and his view on the danger of intolerant wokeness.