I think this excerpt speaks for itself:
Well done, Lawrence. I especially relate to the 12:53-12:55 mark, where he slams down the papers. My feelings exactly.
(by PrimalSoup)Pragmatic politics focused on the public interest for those uncomfortable with America's two-party system and its way of doing politics. Considering the interface of politics with psychology, cognitive biology, social behavior, morality and history.
I think this excerpt speaks for itself:
Well done, Lawrence. I especially relate to the 12:53-12:55 mark, where he slams down the papers. My feelings exactly.
(by PrimalSoup)There’s a New Lewis Powell Memo, and It’s Wildly Racist
Now never-before-seen letters and memos show that behind the scenes at the court, Justice Lewis Powell, an influential jurist with an undeserved reputation for decency and moderation, used wildly racist code words on the court’s letterhead as he strenuously—and successfully—drove a decision in City of Mobile v. Bolden four years later that would overturn the lower court and reinstate a system that reliably produced all-white rule.
Should his side not prevail, and should districts replace at-large systems nationwide, Powell warned Justice Potter Stewart in a barely coded racist letter from Feb. 28, 1980, “our cities could become jungles.”
It is startling, even horrifying, to turn the pages of an archival folder in a beautiful Yale research library and come across such incendiary and racist language on official Supreme Court letterhead and dated during one’s own lifetime. What’s perhaps more horrifying is that Powell’s thinking in the Mobile case shaped a young John Roberts, who would years later become the chief justice of the United States and defined the early chapters of Roberts’ lifelong efforts to unravel voting rights from the bench.
When Powell died in 1998, the New York Times memorialized the distinguished jurist as a “balancer and compromiser,” a “political moderate” who disdained “heated rhetoric and doctrinal rigidity.” Time magazine mourned the loss of someone it had praised as the “marble palace’s Southern gentleman,” and the Los Angeles Times praised the “middle-road course” of this “uncommonly sweet, gentle and courteous man,” who, it suggested, served the nation only from a sense of civic patriotism. They all got Powell dangerously wrong.
None of these obituaries mentioned the Powell memo, his manifesto for the Chamber of Commerce that exhorted big business into the culture wars and the battle to capture the judiciary, long viewed on the left as the right’s road map for spreading free-market fundamentalism into the courts. “Political power is necessary,” Powell insisted, in a memo that inspired the Koch brothers and the right-wing foundations that helped build the Heritage Foundation and new intellectual infrastructure on the right. “It must be used aggressively and with determination.” They also skipped over his many speeches during the 1960s denouncing and mocking Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. (“a prophet of civil disobedience”) and his “Letter from Birmingham Jail” (“heresy,” an invitation to “totalitarian rule.”)
The appreciations also airbrushed a lifetime of more genteel racism. Powell had been a pillar of Richmond society, educated in all-white schools, a member of its all-white social clubs and churches, and the founding partner of a law firm that would not hire Black attorneys. His biographer, John C. Jeffries Jr., notes that he “never met a Black as an equal.” Racial segregation remained so commonplace in Richmond, the former capital of the Confederacy, into the 1960s that Powell later conceded, “It never occurred to me to question it.” When the U.S. Supreme Court desegregated the nation’s schools in Brown v. Board of Education and called for integration “with all deliberate speed,” Powell, then the chairman of the Richmond school board, described his reaction as “shock.” In letters to colleagues and friends, he maintained that “the school decisions were wrongly decided,” misguided not only as a matter of law but as social policy as well.
Alabama established its at-large elections in 1911, not long after the state adopted its new 1901 constitution with the stated goal to “establish white supremacy in this State … by law—not by force or fraud.” The new setup worked beautifully—so much so that some residents, let alone jurists like Lewis Powell, forgot the original intent of at-large elections altogether; it faded into the past, another taken-for-granted feature of a bitterly unjust social order, rooted in the nation’s original sin. Yet if time clouded anyone’s memory of how white supremacy took deep structural root in the city’s modern life, a visit to the public library would clarify things. There you’d find a written confession from Frederick Bromberg, a state senator who in a 1909 letter to the editor made it clear that the purpose of at-large elections had always been to eradicate the possibility of Black voting power. “We have always, as you know, falsely pretended that our main purpose was to exclude the ignorant vote when, in fact, we were trying to exclude not the ignorant vote, but the Negro vote,” he wrote.[1]
In the 1950s, Powell would slow-walk the Thurgood Marshall–won Brown decision. A quarter century later, he’d battle Marshall on the bench. Powell quite strategically shifted the question in the Mobile case. Instead of a totality of evidence, Powell and Stewart would ask whether historic racism and systemic inequality played a part in creating Mobile’s all-white power structure. Did Mobile mean to keep Black residents out of power? Or did it simply work out that way, even once Black people had the same opportunity to vote as whites? The answer appeared undeniable, unless one closed their eyes, blinded by the rhetoric of color blindness.
2. Acting with and through a World Federation of Advertisers (“WFA”) initiative called the Global Alliance for Responsible Media (“GARM”), the Defendants conspired, along with dozens of non-defendant co-conspirators, to collectively withhold billions of dollars in advertising revenue from Twitter, Inc. (“Twitter,” now X Corp.). Concerned that Twitter might deviate from certain brand safety standards for advertising on social media platforms set through GARM, the conspirators collectively acted to enforce Twitter’s adherence to those standards through the boycott.3. As a condition of GARM membership, GARM’s members agree to adopt, implement, and enforce GARM’s brand safety standards, including by withholding advertising from social media platforms deemed by GARM to be non-compliant with the brand safety standards. When Elon Musk and other investors acquired Twitter in November 2022, GARM members reached out to GARM to learn “[GARM’s] perspectives about the Twitter situation and a possible boycott from many companies[,]” and GARM conveyed to its members its concerns about Twitter’s compliance with GARM’s standards, triggering the massive advertiser boycott that followed.
GOP plans to win this election — in court, if not at the ballot box
Republicans learned from their 2020 mistakes — and have good reason to believe the Supreme Court is on their sideThe fact that Republicans greeted Harris’ entry into the race with the threat of litigation provides a sobering reminder that the GOP has little intention of conceding an electoral loss on Nov. 5. That’s simply when a second contest will begin — one aimed not at swing-state voters but a battalion of right-wing Federalist Society-approved judges installed on federal courts and the deeply conservative supermajority on the U.S. Supreme Court.
Look closely and that second battle is already underway. While the usual rituals of an election play out nationwide — rallies, TV ads, conventions, sofa memes — a shadow fight is already unfolding in battleground-state courts. They include lawsuits in Michigan, Arizona and Nevada that seek to knock voters off the rolls in the weeks before the election, as well as litigation in Nevada and elsewhere hoping to void absentee ballots received after Election Day.
These lawsuits rely heavily on unsubstantiated Republican fantasies about dead people and non-citizens casting ballots. Even if these cases go nowhere, they could redound to the GOP’s benefit simply because they seed the groundwork for claims that the election has been stolen and cast doubt among the party’s base about the process and the legitimacy of the results.
An alliance of autocracies is deepening.One city plays a central role.
It is making a mockery of Western sanctions against Russia, Iran and North KoreaIn recent years, dictators in China, Iran, Russia and North Korea have strengthened trade and security ties, formalized cooperation and alliances, and worked together to expand their power from Ukraine to Taiwan.One city plays a central role in this deepening alliance of autocracies: Hong Kong.
Once a trusted global financial center aligned with Western democracies and governed by the rule of law, our new report with the Committee for Freedom in Hong Kong Foundation details how Hong Kong has become the world’s leader in such practices as importing and re-exporting banned Western technology to Russia, forming untraceable front companies for the purchase and sale of barred Iranian oil, and managing “ghost ships” that illegally trade natural resources with North Korea.
Hong Kong’s business-friendly policies, which make it easy to conceal corporate ownership and quickly create and dissolve companies, allow illicit actors to make a mockery of U.S. and Western sanctions. At the same time, slow and inconsistent enforcement by Western governments has allowed those actors to continue their operations with relative impunity. The United States can and should address this situation without delay.Customs data collected by the global security nonprofit C4ADS shows that eight months after Russia invaded Ukraine, shipments of technology categorized by the United States and European Union as the highest priority to Russia for its war effort, such as advanced semiconductors and communications equipment, had nearly doubled from prewar levels. They included products from U.S. companies such as Intel, Analog Devices, Apple and Texas Instruments — despite efforts by the U.S. government to stop sales of sensitive goods by U.S. companies to Russia. By the end of 2023, nearly 40 percent of the cargo shipped from Hong Kong to Russia was made up of these “Common High Priority Items.”Hong Kong’s destabilizing behavior is not limited to Russia. Leaked emails we analyzed from the Iranian petrochemical company Sahara Thunder revealed relationships with Hong Kong companies that sought to facilitate ship-to-ship transfers of Iranian oil, which would then be taken to foreign ports where its Iranian origin could be masked. Other Hong Kong companies have supplied the Western parts that Iran needs to produce drones — which have increasingly appeared on battlegrounds in Ukraine, Yemen and elsewhere.
The United States should also designate Hong Kong a “primary money laundering concern,” a tool that would, for example, permit the Treasury Department to require U.S. financial institutions to disclose the beneficiaries of accounts opened by Hong Kong individuals. Finally, the process of investigating and sanctioning evaders must be completed much faster; the Treasury, Commerce, and State departments must receive all the resources they need to do the job.
Hong Kong is undermining the world’s security, stability and liberty. The United States and its allies need to curb the city’s behavior before sanctions become ingrained as little more than symbolic gestures.