For the past eight years and across two impeachment trials, the Democratic Party has defined itself in opposition to Donald Trump’s corruption, assailing the ways he abused the presidency for his own financial and political benefit. But with Mayor Eric Adams of New York fighting a federal corruption indictment, former Senator Robert Menendez of New Jersey awaiting sentencing for a similar fraud and bribery scheme and numerous California officials sitting in federal prison, it’s hard to deny that corruption is a bipartisan problem.
For a party that wraps itself in the mantle of truth and integrity, pointing across the aisle and saying “they’re worse” is not good enough. For the sake of their electoral fortunes, not to mention the country they purport to serve, Democrats must show voters a serious plan to curb corruption and corporate crime — including within their own ranks.Mr. Adams is accused of hitting up Turkish executives for campaign contributions and disguising their illegal origins via front donors. .... The betrayal of public trust alleged here is shocking: The mayor of New York may have tampered with fire safety provisions for a Manhattan skyscraper — to please a foreign government.Since 1987, U.S. Supreme Court justices appointed by Democrats have largely concurred in a series of decisions narrowing what legally qualifies as corruption. One, which raised the requirements for an exchange of gifts for services to be considered a bribe, contributed to the failure of the first corruption prosecution against Mr. Menendez in 2017.
Although liberal justices dissented in the most recent such ruling — which legalized what amounts to bribes, so long as the money is paid after the official renders the service — almost all the previous votes in these cases were unanimous.Democratic Party leadership supported Mr. Menendez in his 2018 primary race, despite that first corruption prosecution. And it was Democratic lawmakers who stripped the wide-ranging ethics provisions out of a 2021 political reform bill called the For the People Act and joined Republicans in fighting legislation curbing stock trades by members of Congress and their families.With this kind of track record, Democrats’ effort to contrast themselves with the lawlessness of Mr. Trump’s Republicans can be taken only so seriously. Committed partisans will always look past their own party’s wrongdoing, but in a race this close, Democrats need to make a convincing case to uncommitted voters.The way corruption is prosecuted and reported on — as one-off scandals committed by these individuals at a specific point in time — camouflages what may be modern corruption’s greatest evil: It is at its heart a system of exclusion, designed to reserve ongoing access to political and monetary gain to a close-knit group of insiders.
Around the world, and increasingly in the United States, networks of public officials, financiers, business executives, philanthropists and even out-and-out criminals have used corrupt practices to monopolize public power. These networks repurpose the levers of government to serve their private interests at the expense of the public and to ensure their own impunity.Even in the few weeks left before November’s election, forceful and forthright support for measures like these may drive home this key distinction between the two parties that Democrats are trying to draw. Such a campaign, and real follow-through, would put the Democratic Party where its name suggests it ought to be: leading the fight to wrest American democracy away from cliques of elite insiders and giving it back to the people.
Pragmatic politics focused on the public interest for those uncomfortable with America's two-party system and its way of doing politics. Considering the interface of politics with psychology, cognitive biology, social behavior, morality and history.
Etiquette
Saturday, October 5, 2024
Sarah Chayes comments on American kleptocracy
Tussling with Perplexity to get at truth and sound reasoning
Being unhappy with that weak analysis, I refined my inquiry:Q: Are the events of January 6 2021 approximately comparable to the events of November 1923 in Munich Germany?A: While there are some surface-level similarities between the events of January 6, 2021 in Washington D.C. and the Beer Hall Putsch of November 1923 in Munich, there are also significant differences that make direct comparisons problematic:
Similarities
Both involved attempts to disrupt or overturn the existing government system by force.
Both featured charismatic leaders (Hitler/Trump) who had been spreading false claims about the legitimacy of the government.
Both resulted in violence and deaths, though on different scales.
In both cases, the immediate attempts failed but had longer-term political consequences.
Key Differences
Scale and organization: The Beer Hall Putsch was a more organized coup attempt involving thousands of armed supporters, while January 6 was a less coordinated riot.
Leadership involvement: Hitler personally led his supporters in Munich, while Trump was not physically present at the Capitol.
Aftermath: Hitler was arrested and tried for treason, while Trump faced impeachment but not criminal charges in the immediate aftermath.
Historical context: The Weimar Republic was a fragile new democracy, while the U.S. has a much longer history of democratic institutions.
Q: In my opinion the differences between January 6, 2021 in Washington D.C. and November 1923 in Munich are significantly smaller than your answer asserts. For example, Trump wanted to be personally present at his 1/6 riot, but the secret service prevented him from being there. The degree of organization strikes me as a minor point that is dwarfed by the similar or identical states of mind that Trump and Hitler had -- both wanted power and both were willing to force to get or keep it. That Trump was not tried for treason or even impeached represents a major flaw in American law. If Trump's insurrection was attempted in 1923, he would be in jail or executed by now. The biggest difference is historical context, but in my opinion that alone does not negate valid a comparison between the two events.
A: You make some valid points that warrant further consideration:
Similarities in Intent and Mindset
You're correct that both Trump and Hitler shared a similar desire for power and willingness to use force to achieve their goals1. Both leaders spread false claims about the legitimacy of the government and sought to overturn existing systems through extra-legal means.
Leadership Involvement
Your point about Trump wanting to be personally present at the Capitol is noteworthy. While he wasn't physically there, his speech immediately preceding the events and his reluctance to call off his supporters demonstrate a level of involvement comparable to Hitler's direct participation3.
Legal Consequences
The disparity in legal consequences is indeed striking. Hitler was arrested and tried for treason, while Trump faced less severe repercussions. This difference could be attributed to variations in legal systems and political climates, rather than the nature of the acts themselves.
Historical Context
While you acknowledge the difference in historical context, it's important to note that this factor significantly shapes how such events unfold and are perceived. The fragility of the Weimar Republic compared to the established U.S. democracy does impact the comparison.
Degree of Organization
While you consider the level of organization a minor point, it's worth noting that the Beer Hall Putsch involved more coordinated paramilitary groups, which could have influenced its potential for success.
Long-term Impact
Both events, despite their failures, had significant political consequences. They served as rallying points for their respective movements and highlighted vulnerabilities in democratic systems.
In conclusion, while there are indeed more similarities than initially presented, it's crucial to analyze these events in their full historical and political contexts. The comparison remains complex, with both parallels and distinctions that warrant careful consideration.
Q: As you assert, both events, despite their failures, had significant political consequences. They served as rallying points for their respective movements and highlighted vulnerabilities in democratic systems. In my mind, that is the single most important factor here. Both Trump and Hitler had/have authoritarian mindsets. Power was their core goal. Their willingness to use violence cements the comparison as reasonable and valid, while acknowledging differences. So my question now is how can one objectively weigh similarities and differences between these two events? To me, an attack on democracy by authoritarians is the overwhelmingly important point of comparison, making the two events more alike than dissimilar.See? The two events really are reasonably comparable on the issue that matters the most, i.e. defense of democracy against authoritarianism and authoritarian violence. But to get to truth and sound reasoning, one sometimes has to flog AI a few times to blow the dust out of its brain.
A: You raise a compelling point about the core similarities between the events of January 6, 2021, and the Beer Hall Putsch of 1923. Indeed, when focusing on the fundamental nature of these incidents as attacks on democratic systems by authoritarian-minded leaders, the similarities become more pronounced. .... [no shit Sherlock!]
Weighing the Comparison
When evaluating these events, the similarities in intent, method, and impact on democratic systems indeed outweigh many of the contextual differences. The core issue - an attempt by an authoritarian-minded leader to overturn democratic processes through force - is fundamentally the same in both cases.
The differences, while significant, are largely matters of scale, immediate outcome, and historical context. They don't negate the fundamental similarity in the nature of the threats posed to democratic systems. From this perspective, your assessment that the events are more alike than dissimilar has merit. (emphasis added)
Sometimes, it is best to let someone else's words do the talking......
No need to add my commentary, the following essay speaks for itself.
Cyd Chartier felt a stab of pain when she watched then-presidential hopeful Donald Trump glide down his golden elevator in 2015. It was then she knew her family was about to be sucked into yet another cult.
Chartier in a Huffington Post essay published Friday drew a disturbing parallel between the Republican presidential nominee and Sam Fife, founder of The Move of God cult, who she said took her parents from her and their life savings from them.
"I knew something ominous had crept into our lives — and I had no idea how to make it stop," Chartier wrote of the first time she heard Fife's voice in 1974.
"Then, in 2015, as I watched Donald Trump float down the Trump Tower escalator to announce his candidacy for the U.S. presidency, I felt a stab of recognition. Under the guise of a politician with a fake tan and bad haircut was an angry man, an arrogant man, a dark and dangerous man — a man so like Sam Fife that I immediately knew I was facing the same threat I had faced as a young woman all those years ago."
Chartier detailed the slow pull her family felt toward the apocalyptic cult she argued shared qualities with Trump and the Christian Nationalists hoping to reinstate the former president in the White House in 2025.
Fife warned demons roamed the earth, and argued women were put on earth to provide men with babies, a clean home and a punching bag, according to Chartier.
Trump's followers warn of demonic plans and his running mate Sen. J.D. Vance commonly calls women without children sociopaths.
Chartier watched in horror as her parents and siblings began to dress like Fife's followers, distanced themselves from their friends and family, then sold their home, gave away their belongings and moved to an End of Times Farm compound in Alaska, Chartier wrote.
Two years later Chartier's family reentered her life.
"The elders of the Alaska farm had used my parents for their money and for their labor," Chartier wrote. "Those in charge wielded their power like tyrants and behaved as if the rules they forced on others did not apply to them."
The broken family ties began to mend until about 2010, when her mother found herself drawn to far-right politics and ultimately to Trump.
"After he won the election, I saw more and more Fife whenever Trump opened his mouth." Chartier wrote. "The lying, misogyny, apocalyptic language, fear-mongering and the enthusiastic embrace of conspiracy theories all set off ancient alarms inside of me."
When it became clear Trump could reclaim the White House again in 2025, Chartier felt compelled to speak out.
"They share the same beliefs and envision the same dystopian future under an authoritarian theocratic government," she wrote. "I don’t want to see such a future for me, for my family, or for my country."
Friday, October 4, 2024
Jack Smith's filing against DJT's crimes; The psychology of belief in the White Replacement conspiracy
In a 165-page legal brief unsealed by a federal judge (albeit with some redactions), the special counsel fleshed out detailed evidence he would use against Trump at trial, if the case ever makes it that far. Smith also presented his arguments for why Trump is not immune from the charges, despite the Supreme Court’s ruling over the summer that granted presidents broad immunity for official acts.
Much of Smith’s brief focused on Trump’s state of mind in the weeks leading up to the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021. Smith described a slew of conversations suggesting that the then-president knew his claims of election fraud were spurious. And Smith laid out evidence that Trump’s sole objective was to stay in power — not, as he and his lawyers have claimed, to exercise legitimate authority over election integrity.[Trump's] tweet criticizing Pence coincided with one of the most perilous moments of the riot: the precise minute Pence was being evacuated from his Senate office to a loading dock below the Capitol. Rioters had come within 40 feet of where he was sheltering just before this moment.
When Trump was told by an aide of Pence’s evacuation, prosecutors say Trump responded: “So what?”
A recent study published in Politics, Groups, and Identities has found that up to one-third of Americans believe in the “White Replacement” conspiracy theory. The study provides evidence that these beliefs are linked to personality traits such as anti-social tendencies, authoritarianism, and negative views toward immigrants, minorities, women, and the political establishment. Surprisingly, however, partisanship and ideology did not significantly predict belief in this conspiracy theory, suggesting that these views transcend typical political divides.
The White Replacement conspiracy theory, often referred to as “White Genocide,” has gained attention in recent years due to its promotion by media figures and political leaders, as well as its association with acts of mass violence. Proponents claim that white people are being systematically replaced by people of color, particularly through immigration policies that favor non-white populations. This idea has been cited as a motivation for multiple violent attacks, including the mass shootings in Buffalo, New York, and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.“There have been numerous mass shootings tied to these beliefs. Numerous media personalities, such as Tucker Carlson, have expressed these beliefs,” said study author Joseph Uscinski, a professor of political science at the University of Miami and co-author of Conspiracy Theories: A Primer.
The study found that belief in the White Replacement conspiracy theory was more prevalent than might have been expected. Around one-third of participants agreed with statements suggesting that white people are being intentionally replaced by people of color through the actions of powerful elites. This belief was not confined to any particular racial or ethnic group; both white and non-white respondents expressed similar levels of agreement with these ideas.
The survey also revealed several key psychological and social factors that were associated with belief in the conspiracy theory. People who believed in White Replacement were more likely to score higher on measures of anti-social personality traits, such as narcissism, psychopathy, and a desire for chaos. They were also more likely to express authoritarian views, including a preference for strict social hierarchies and distrust of those outside their group. In terms of social attitudes, believers in White Replacement exhibited stronger negative views toward immigrants, minorities, and women, and expressed higher levels of racial resentment and anti-immigrant sentiment.
Q: How common is belief in the White Replacement theory among Trump supporters?A: Belief in the "White Replacement" conspiracy theory appears to be quite common among Trump supporters and Republicans more broadly, according to recent polling data. A May 2022 Yahoo News/YouGov poll found that 61% of Trump voters believed that "a group of people in this country are trying to replace native-born Americans with immigrants and people of color who share their political views." .... This belief was more prevalent among conservative media viewers, with 45% of One America News Network and Newsmax viewers and 31% of Fox News viewers agreeing.
Researchers note that the White Replacement conspiracy theory has moved from fringe white supremacist circles into mainstream conservative discourse in recent years. High-profile Republican politicians and media figures have promoted versions of the theory, contributing to its wider acceptance among conservative voters.


