- For decades, it was settled law that people who had rights violated could sue states to get them to enforce people’s rights under federal spending programs.
- Because the law was thought to be settled, court agreement to hear this case shocked experts who assumed the Supreme Court would never agree to hear a case like this. That the Supreme Court agreed to hear this case is a strong signal that it will gut the rights of people to enforce their rights under affected federal spending laws.
- Other enforcement mechanisms are ineffective, mostly enforcement by the federal government. Federal enforcement has been attacked and undermined for decades by Republicans and affected business communities, both of whom hate government, business regulations, consumer protections and the rule of law, except when it protects wealthy or powerful elites and their interests.
- Twenty-two Republican state attorney generals openly support elimination of people’s rights under these laws. They are siding with the company who violated a patient's rights, which led to the lawsuit against the state to enforce the law. The company does not want these federal laws enforced and neither do Republicans in law enforcement. The Republicans argue that these lawsuits overburden their states and just reward attorneys instead of the people in federal spending programs whose rights were violated. (Notice the incoherence in that “reasoning”? It’s blatantly irrational.)
- Maybe most importantly, the Republican Attorney Generals are arguing to expand the scope of this case from people’s right to sue under federal spending programs, to people’s right to sue for all alleged civil rights violations. For example, if a state denies a permit to protest and the affected person or group sues the state for violating their right to freedom of expression, that mechanism to defend their right to speech would be eliminated. That is how fascism works.
- The NPR article includes this comment: “But even if the agency [involved in the lawsuit] complies with the demands and withdraws its petition, legal experts say it might be too late. Now that the Supreme Court has shown interest in looking at such a sweeping question, there's a good chance it could pick up the next case that raises it.”
Pragmatic politics focused on the public interest for those uncomfortable with America's two-party system and its way of doing politics. Considering the interface of politics with psychology, cognitive science, social behavior, morality and history.
Etiquette
Monday, November 7, 2022
The Supreme Court takes up a case on a patient’s rights
Midterms…
We’ve all been waiting for it; the newest moment of U.S. national political truth and clarification begins tomorrow.
Comments, expectations, prognostications, other??
Sunday, November 6, 2022
Random thoughts: Inflation politics and radical reductionism
Federal data published Thursday shows that nonfinancial corporate profits in the U.S. surged to an all-time record of $2 trillion in the second quarter of 2022 as companies continued jacking up prices, pushing inflation to a 40-year high to the detriment of workers and consumers.
According to figures released by the Commerce Department's Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA), corporate profit margins over the past three months were the widest they've been since the 1950s as ongoing price hikes pad the bottom lines of large businesses—and eat into the paychecks of employees.
- Even under a worst-case inflation scenario where every penny in extra pay that results from moving the federal minimum wage to $15 by 2027 is passed on in the form of higher prices, the result would be a five-year stretch of inflationary pressure equal to 0.1% per year (or about 1/100th of the increase we’ve seen since 2021), then the inflationary effect would return to zero.
- Even this extremely mild inflation could be substantially blunted by other margins of adjustment to a higher minimum wage—including a retreat from today’s still sky-high profit margins. During normal times, profits account for about 13% of the price of goods and services, but since recovery from the COVID-19 recession began in the second quarter of 2020, rising profit margins have accounted for roughly 40% of the rise in prices. When these margins normalize, there will be ample room for noninflationary wage growth.
While attributing high inflation to the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic and Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Brainard—who was addressing a meeting of the National Association for Business Economics in Chicago—asserted that "there is ample room for margin recompression to help reduce goods inflation" in the retail economy.
"Retail margins have increased 20% since the onset of the pandemic, roughly double the 9% increase in average hourly earnings by employees in that sector," she noted. "In the auto sector, where the real inventory-to-sales ratio is 20% below its pre-pandemic level, the retail margin for motor vehicles sold at dealerships has increased by more than 180% since February 2020, 10 times the rise in average hourly earnings within that sector."
We cannot deduce laws about a higher level of complexity by starting with a lower level of complexity. Here, reductionism meets a brick wall. Key takeaways:
- Reductionism, the notion that complex systems can be studied by breaking them down into their smallest constituents, is an incredibly successful scientific tool.
- But it is severely limited as we try to explain the organization of complex states of matter.
- “More is different” means that as assemblies of matter grow larger, new laws come into play that are not derivable from the laws that describe lower levels of organization.
One of the greatest ideas of all time is reductionism, the notion that every system, no matter how complex, can be understood in terms of the behavior of its basic constituents. Reductionism has its roots in ancient Greece, when Leucippus and Democritus, in about 400 BC, proposed that everything is composed of “atoms,” which in Greek means “that which cannot be cut.” So, atoms came to signify the smallest constituents of matter, even though what we understand by “smallest” has drastically changed in time.Radical reductionism
The more radical view of reductionism claims that all behaviors, from elementary particles to the human brain, spring from bits of matter with interactions described by a few fundamental physical laws. The corollary is that if we uncover these laws at the most basic level, we will be able to extrapolate to higher and higher levels of organizational complexity.
Of course, most reductionists know, or should know, that this kind of statement is more faith-based than scientific. In practice, this extrapolation is impossible: studying how quarks and electrons behave won’t help us understand how a uranium nucleus behaves, much less genetic reproduction or how the brain works. Hard-core reductionists would stake their position as a matter of principle, a statement of what they believe is the final goal of fundamental science — namely, the discovery of the symmetries and laws that dictate (I would say “describe” to the best of our ability) the behavior of matter at the subatomic level. But to believe that something is possible in principle is quite useless in the practice of science. The expression “fundamental science” is loaded and should be used with care.
Democracy is in deadly imminent peril
CHRISTIANS MUST PUBLICLY DENOUNCECHRISTIAN NATIONALISMA former pastor explains why more churchgoers must condemn the bigotry of Donald Trump and his supporters in order to save democracy.My husband and I expected to be pastors until we retired, but the Christian nationalism embraced by some church members has caused us to give up on that idea.
From 2017 to 2020, we were co-pastors of a church in Amarillo. Members knew that we did not share the positive opinion of former President Donald Trump that many of them had, but we rarely discussed our political views. We left that church before the 2020 election, planning to continue our careers as pastors elsewhere.
We have since realized we cannot do that. Serving as pastors now seems incompatible with God’s call to preach and live according to the teachings of Jesus. We know that other congregations, especially in red states like Texas, are likely to include MAGA Republicans who don’t want to hear that their bigoted views go against everything Jesus taught and modeled. They can’t accept that politicians they support, like Donald Trump and Governor Greg Abbott, are endangering lives and ignoring Jesus’ call to help “the least of these.”My husband experienced this firsthand when he led worship at a rural Texas congregation on June 19, 2022. The person reading the prayers provided by the national church left out one that recognized the Juneteenth holiday and condemned white supremacy. During his interview with the church council after worship, he asked why that prayer had been omitted. He was told that similar prayers at previous services had caused one man to walk out and say he wouldn’t be back and several others to complain. When he said he found that troubling and did not think white supremacy was part of God’s kingdom, the council president looked straight at him and said, “I disagree.”
As you’ll see below, many Texas Christians recognize the danger Christian nationalism poses and are publicly expressing their opposition to it. Even so, far more Christians in Texas and elsewhere need to denounce Christian nationalism. The silence of those who know better not only contradicts the teachings of Jesus, but also legitimizes the cruel policies, threats, and violence.
The term “Christian nationalism” means different things to different people. That makes it easier for political and religious leaders to falsely claim this dangerous ideology will make our country better. I am using Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry’s definition from Taking America Back For God. They spent five years analyzing data and conducting interviews about Christian nationalism in the United States, and they define the term as follows:
“Christian nationalism is a cultural framework—a collection of myths, traditions, symbols, narratives, and value systems—that idealizes and advocates a fusion of Christianity with American civil life.”
They emphasize that “Christianity” here means something other than its usual definition. It is not simply a religion whose adherents worship Jesus as Lord.
Whitehead and Perry continue,“It includes assumptions of nativism, white supremacy, patriarchy, and heteronormativity along with divine sanction for authoritarian control and militarism. It is as ethnic and political as it is religious.”
Even in supposedly progressive denominations like the one my husband and I belong to, there are people who embrace Christian nationalism and believe the United States needs to be reclaimed as a Christian nation. What used to be the private prejudices of some church members are now painfully obvious. Even worse, they believe God shares their bigoted views and wants everyone to be forced to live by them. State officials like Abbott seem to agree.
Saturday, November 5, 2022
Biden’s accomplishments despite rigid Republican opposition
HELP!
I keep hearing over and over how the Democrats don’t know how to message effectively. I personally can hear their messages loud and clear, but evidently, I’m in the minority.
The Democratic messages I see are: the continuing problem of wealth inequality; serious environmental concerns; heretofore freedoms being eroded (e.g., of pro-choice, voting access, religious impositions); the fair/commensurate taxing of those behemoths who pay zero in taxes; government funded higher education to lift all boats, like in other societal-learning European countries; affordable quality healthcare for all, not just the already wealthy and/or well-connected... I could go on. But all in all, I’d call them positive constructive-type messages. Call me crazy. This is what the Democratic Party currently stands for, to my knowledge.
Now, to me, a biased Dem, those things seem like no-brainers. They are conditions that, I would say, most regular, everyday people would be in favor of.
OTOH, the messages I see from the Republican side of the aisle are: let’s start with the Big Lie, a denial of/refusal to accept the 2020 election results in spite of 60+ court rulings, recounts, and audits verifying it; unregulated (running amok) capitalism; the favoring of getting rid of, or phasing out, the social safety nets such as Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security (and/or privatizing them for profit); climate change being a science hoax/scare and nothing to worry about; unaddressed (by their leaders) political violence and intimidation; “the other” is the enemy… I could go on. But all in all, I’d call them negative destructive-type messages. Call me crazy. This is what the Republican Party currently stands for, to my knowledge.
So, where are the Democrats going wrong with their supposed positive messaging to the masses? What do the Republicans have that makes their negative messaging so much better/more effective?
Is it that negativity sells, and the Dems don’t get that? Is it the Republican “me” over “we” mindset that’s the most important (a Republican “vote clincher”)? Here’s a thought. Maybe the problem with the Democratic messaging is that their messages are not delivered with “attitude.” Nowadays, attitude is everything. If you don’t have attitude, you’re considered boring, dull, no zip in your steps, no pizzazz. That can translate into loss of votes in a country where attitude, with all its glitz and glamour, are seemingly revered.
So, what’s the magic ingredient that the Democrats are politically missing? Is it a lack of negativity? Is it a lack of attitude? Is it not enough “me” and way too much “we” nonsense? Not enough urgency and panic in their voices? Other?
Help me out here. I know we’ve had this conversation before but tell me again what’s missing from the Democratic messaging, because it’s just not sinking in. Am I the problem because I can see the bigger forest but not the dastardly trees that make it up? What gives?? 🤷♀️