Pragmatic politics focused on the public interest for those uncomfortable with America's two-party system and its way of doing politics. Considering the interface of politics with psychology, cognitive science, social behavior, morality and history.
Etiquette
Monday, August 16, 2021
Any thoughts on Afghanistan?
Thoughts on tax subsidies for religious organizations
Immediate concerns vs long term concerns
Before Covid I would meet every weekend for coffee with a group of friends and we would talk sports, politics, and yup - gossip.
That was on hold for a while, now we are back to getting together on the weekends at our favorite coffee shop (which is observing limited seating) to hash out this and that.
I expressed an opinion recently to Germaine, that U.S. politics and the worry about the rise of rightwing fanaticism is not THE biggest worry I have, it is the environment, because it IS more of a "existential" threat not only to Americans, but the world.
Now new flags are being raised about what will happen in Afghanistan, and will terrorism grow again there so at some point we will AGAIN have to deal with another ISIS or Al Qaeda situation.
Maybe, because it is too far away for my feeble mind to contemplate, but I just can't get overly concerned about what will happen next in Afghanistan, neither (as I have expressed multiple times) am I AS concerned about rightwing politics. For me it is the environment.
So, back to my having coffee with my friends. We raised this subject of what is most worrisome to us right now - and to those who I have coffee with two things were MORE worrisome to them than even the environment.
They stated first worry is Covid variants and the rapid spread of the Delta variant, and the 2nd worry was inflation - they are convinced inflation is going to get a lot worse, and they see the spread of Delta and the rising costs of goods going hand in hand.
When I tried to argue that as long as you are vaccinated and keep masking your risks are low, and inflation is something that can be absorbed, but you can't stop worrying about the environment because of the existential risk, they balked and said that YES while the environment is a concern the immediate concern should be fighting misinformation and getting everyone vaccinated and finding ways to combat inflation.
Not to be critical (though no doubt I am sounding critical) but clearly their views on what is the most worrisome is what is most close to home and immediate. MAYBE that is why so many people worry about what the Republicans are up to, it is close to home and immediate.
So, are people like myself, who are less worried about the immediate crisis and worry more about future dangers off base? Or is it just human nature to view future dangers as less important than those dangers we perceive as immediate?
Weigh in.
Sunday, August 15, 2021
Some thoughts on ideology in politics, cognitive biology and pragmatic rationalism
The concept of ideology can be difficult to reconcile with empirical research on political knowledge and belief system organization. First, ideology is a construct that is used at multiple levels. Political ideologies exist as formal systems of political thought. Texts on Marxism, liberalism, conservatism, and fascism develop elaborate interpretations of social, economic, and political arrangements and offer prescriptions for political actions. In somewhat less structured ways, ideologies operate at the societal level to organize political debate by allowing political parties to offer more or less coherent policy platforms. And, in the primary focus of this chapter, ideology is also used to describe the ways in which people organize their political attitudes and beliefs. It is easy to introduce confusion into discussions of ideology by blurring the lines between these levels of analysis. Some connections between these levels should exist, but we must not make the mistake of assuming that there are straightforward relationships between these varied uses of ideology. While I will review a great deal of important research on the structure and determinants of political ideology in this chapter it is important not to lose sight of the implications of low levels of political knowledge, instability in measures of issues preferences, and multiple dimensions of issue preferences when evaluating research on individual-level political ideology. At a minimum, these findings encourage us to consider models of ideology that do not require a great deal of sophistication from most people and to be aware of the limits of ideology among nonelites. --- Feldman, S. (2013). Political ideology. In L. Huddy, D. O. Sears, & J. S. Levy (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of political psychology (pp. 591–626). Oxford University Press.
Decision scientists have identified various plausible sources of ideological polarization over climate change, gun violence, national security, and like issues that turn on empirical evidence. This paper describes a study of three of them: the predominance of heuristic-driven information processing by members of the public; ideologically motivated reasoning; and the cognitive-style correlates of political conservativism. The study generated both observational and experimental data inconsistent with the hypothesis that political conservatism is distinctively associated with either unreflective thinking or motivated reasoning. Conservatives did no better or worse than liberals on the Cognitive Reflection Test (Frederick, 2005), an objective measure of information-processing dispositions associated with cognitive biases. In addition, the study found that ideologically motivated reasoning is not a consequence of over-reliance on heuristic or intuitive forms of reasoning generally. On the contrary, subjects who scored highest in cognitive reflection were the most likely to display ideologically motivated cognition. These findings corroborated an alternative hypothesis, which identifies ideologically motivated cognition as a form of information processing that promotes individuals’ interests in forming and maintaining beliefs that signify their loyalty to important affinity groups.Much more perplexing, however, are the ubiquity and ferocity of ideological conflicts over facts that turn on empirical evidence. Democrats (by and large) fervently believe that human activity is responsible for global warming, Republicans (by and large) that it is not (Pew Research Center, 2012). --- Ideology, Motivated Reasoning, and Cognitive Reflection: An Experimental Study; Judgment and Decision Making, 8, 407-24 (2013) Cultural Cognition Lab Working Paper No. 107 Yale Law School, Public Law Research Paper No. 272
In this commentary, we embed the volume’s contributions on public beliefs about science in a broader theoretical discussion of motivated political reasoning. The studies presented in the preceding section of the volume consistently find evidence for hyperskepticism toward scientific evidence among ideologues, no matter the domain or context—and this skepticism seems to be stronger among conservatives than liberals. Here, we show that these patterns can be understood as part of a general tendency among individuals to defend their prior attitudes and actively challenge attitudinally incongruent arguments, a tendency that appears to be evident among liberals and conservatives alike. We integrate the empirical results reported in this volume into a broader theoretical discussion of the John Q. Public model of information processing and motivated reasoning, which posits that both affective and cognitive reactions to events are triggered unconsciously. We find that the work in this volume is largely consistent with our theories of affect-driven motivated reasoning and biased attitude formation. --- Why People “Don’t Trust the Evidence”: Motivated Reasoning and Scientific Beliefs, Patrick W. Kraft, Milton Lodge, Charles S. Taber,[1] The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 2015
A 2009 research paper, Affect as a Psychological Primitive, described emotion and feelings like this:
The ties that bind…
This OP is mostly directed at U.S. bloggers here, but please, all feel free to chime in with your opinions/insight.
Afghanistan is in the news a lot lately. Understandable, in light of the final withdrawal of our military troops there. Provinces are falling daily with an almost complete Taliban takeover of that country.
Reasons we’ve heard for the major takeover have included government corruption, self-preservation in the form of submission to the ever-encroaching dangerous enemy, resentment for being “abandoned,” equipment malfunctions, etc. Things are looking beyond bleak for the Afghan people/citizenry. No… democracy did not come to fruition there, in spite of Herculean efforts of blood and treasure.
That got me wondering, when we (when I) zoom out to the 30k-foot level, are there not similarities between those people and our own, here in the U.S.? We also have:
Religious and cultural differences and attempts at imposition (e.g., WCN and its many tentacles), dysfunction, scandals and corruption shenanigans, extreme political tribalism, etc. Does not the U.S. currently experience the same kinds of things? Spoiler alert: Gotta give that a “Yes.”
When those nasty dominoes fall, they tend to take down all around them. There is no special magic, no super-glue, that steadfastly holds the US together. Personally, I think that’s just a starry-eyed rumor that we keep telling ourselves. Dysfunction, in the forms mentioned above, abound.
So, my question:
What is the specific glue that binds us, here in 2021? Are we not barrelling down the same paths as other dysfunctional countries? If you say “no,” tell me what you base that
on, because I’m not that hopeful/convinced. Be as specific as you can.
Thanks for posting and recommending.
Saturday, August 14, 2021
Why Afghanistan's military is collapsing
Building the Afghan security apparatus was one of the key parts of the Obama administration’s strategy as it sought to find a way to hand over security and leave nearly a decade ago. These efforts produced an army modeled in the image of the United States’ military, an Afghan institution that was supposed to outlast the American war.
But it will likely be gone before the United States is.How the Afghan military came to disintegrate first became apparent not last week but months ago in an accumulation of losses that started even before President Biden’s announcement that the United States would withdraw by Sept. 11.
It began with individual outposts in rural areas where starving and ammunition-depleted soldiers and police units were surrounded by Taliban fighters and promised safe passage if they surrendered and left behind their equipment, slowly giving the insurgents more and more control of roads, then entire districts. As positions collapsed, the complaint was almost always the same: There was no air support or they had run out of supplies and food.But even before that, the systemic weaknesses of the Afghan security forces — which on paper numbered somewhere around 300,000 people, but in recent days have totaled around just one-sixth of that, according to U.S. officials — were apparent. These shortfalls can be traced to numerous issues that sprung from the West’s insistence on building a fully modern military with all the logistical and supply complexities one requires, and which has proved unsustainable without the United States and its NATO allies.Soldiers and policemen have expressed ever-deeper resentment of the Afghan leadership. Officials often turned a blind eye to what was happening, knowing full well that the Afghan forces’ real manpower count was far lower than what was on the books, skewed by corruption and secrecy that they quietly accepted.
And when the Taliban started building momentum after the United States’ announcement of withdrawal, it only increased the belief that fighting in the security forces — fighting for President Ashraf Ghani’s government — wasn’t worth dying for. In interview after interview, soldiers and police officers described moments of despair and feelings of abandonment.On one frontline in the southern Afghan city of Kandahar last week, the Afghan security forces’ seeming inability to fend off the Taliban’s devastating offensive came down to potatoes.
After weeks of fighting, one cardboard box full of slimy potatoes was supposed to pass as a police unit’s daily rations. They hadn’t received anything other than spuds in various forms in several days, and their hunger and fatigue were wearing them down.“Unfortunately, knowingly and unknowingly, a number of Parliament members and politicians fanned the flame started by the enemy,” General Tawakoli said, just hours after the Taliban had posted videos of their fighters looting the general’s sprawling base.
“No region fell as a result of the war, but as a result of the psychological war,” he said.“We are drowning in corruption,” said Abdul Haleem, 38, a police officer on the Kandahar frontline earlier this month. His special operations unit was at half strength — 15 out of 30 people — and several of his comrades who remained on the front were there because their villages had been captured.
“How are we supposed to defeat the Taliban with this amount of ammunition?” he said. The heavy machine gun, for which his unit had very few bullets, broke later that night.
As of Thursday, it was unclear if Mr. Haleem was still alive and what remained of his comrades.