Oh, how I loves me some Jamie Raskin!
Questions, comments, war stories?
Pragmatic politics focused on the public interest for those uncomfortable with America's two-party system and its way of doing politics. Considering the interface of politics with psychology, cognitive science, social behavior, morality and history.
Oh, how I loves me some Jamie Raskin!
Questions, comments, war stories?
The NYT published an excellent, must-watch video on the real threat to democracy in 2024 from the ground up. No, not voter suppression, not Jim Crow 2.0, but the far less attention-getting rewiring of the election process from the local voting precincts, to the networks of grassroots MAGA activists who will create paper trails of "perceived voter fraud" in real-time, to the networks of lawyers sympathetic to MAGA helping to train these "soldiers" to use existing election complaint laws to cast doubt on millions of votes, to the MAGA district officials, to MAGA Secretaries of State, State Legislatures and Governors, all the way up the food chain to appeals courts with potentially sympathetic judges (just think Judge Cannon multiplied many times over). If the 2020 coup attempt was a last minute top down attempt that failed because of the decency of election workers, governors and secretaries of state, and a complete lack of paper trail evidence for alleged fraud-- all these loopholes have been potentially closed depending on how many MAGA officials win in the rather unglamorous general elections down-ballot this November. I commend the Times for this long overdue expose of a plan that has been unfolding in real time for quite a while now.
While it's not on yoututbe, and may have a paywall, I am providing a link to the NYT and to a Twitter thread started by legal scholar Lawrence Tribe about the documentary (it also contains the link to the doc). For those who can access it, the first 10 minutes focus on the comparatively unimportant voter suppression issue in order to set up the nature of the much more daunting threat I briefly described above. So, for those short on time, I recommend starting the 27 minute doc at about the 10 minute mark where the truly important material begins.
Finally, I have some less friendly observations to make about the doc and the NYT and media generally.
For starters, there is absolutely no mention of the dangerous game Democrats have played by supporting several of these MAGA candidates in local and state races in the primaries this year. They are betting that some of the MAGA candidates are "too extreme to win in the general election in November," and as a result spending millions on boosting some of them. Renowned election lawyer, Richard Hasen had this to say about the gambit in a recent Guardian article:
“It is immoral and dangerous,” said Richard Hasen, a UCLA law professor and director of the Safeguarding Democracy Project. He said the risk of miscalculation was great, particularly at a moment when the January 6 committee is attempting to show just how destructive Trump’s stolen election myth has been for American democracy.
“It’s hard for Democrats to take the high road when they’re cynically boosting some of these candidates in order to try to gain an advantage in the general election...” https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/aug/07/democrats-boosted-extremists-republican-primaries-was-that-wise
To be fair, NYT has featured articles on the topic here and there, (e.g. this article from June. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/16/us/politics/democrats-midterms-trump-gop.html But to say, as the narrator does, that we should be "terrified" by the prospect of any such victories without adding that Democrats have supported them in a reckless and immoral gambit, is truly unprincipled. Michelle Cottle, who is on the NYT Editorial Board is the main speaker in the doc, and during her ominous warnings says not one word about this appalling fact. The Dems (and this is a pattern) have decided that some far right election-deniers are just "too far out" for the more "moderate" voters. This is exactly what they said in the 2016 Primaries when Trump defeated Rubio, Cruz and the others in primary after primary. It was supposed to be a cake-walk for HRC, right? This is no time for gambling. Yet here is Democratic Congressional Chair Committee Chairman, Sean Maloney defending the strategy when questioned about it on Morning Joe earlier this year https://www.realclearpolitics.com/video/2022/07/26/dccc_chair_sean_patrick_maloney_you_might_see_us_boost_radical_right_candidates_to_sabotage_the_gop_in_2022.html In his own words:
We have a high bar for that. I think if you're going to do that, you need to really understand what you're doing. If you're talking about trying to pick your opponent, you might see us do that, sure. And I think sometimes it does make sense.
You need to "really understand what you're doing," he stipulates, as if there's a hard and fast science for accurately predicting winners and losers in battleground states! Anyway, I think the conspicuous absence of discussion on this topic haunts the documentary, especially since we're told to be so scared of some of the same people Dems actually supported in the primaries. Similarly, there's almost no discussion of the ethics and liabilities of this high-stakes Democratic Party gambling by Biden when he goes on national TV to warn all citizens that the MAGA GOP is an "existential threat to American Democracy." You'd think he might tell his troops to stop playing with fire by supporting the worst of the bunch on the supposition that they'll lose in November. But not a word, as David Brooks and others noted in response to his disappointing speech 2 weeks ago. The real goal of that speech, it seems, was to make the election a "referendum" on MAGA and Trumpism rather than Biden's job to date. Biden, like the documentary, failed to outline and encourage any solutions beyond the obvious appeal to go out and vote blue.
For example, like the aforementioned election lawyer, Richard Hasen, I've repeatedly warned here and elsewhere that if the Electoral Count Act is not reformed this year, the very mechanics of the legal coup the NYT warns about in their fine documentary will be much easier to implement. We're just ONE VOTE AWAY from passing it in the Senate (where it needs to pass to become law), yet where's Joe? It wasn't in the speech. It's not something he's calling Senators about, as far as I know. But this is all about preventing submitting slates of fake electors-- a major part of the plan the GOP has orchestrated to overturn the 2024 election. It's not a very "sexy" news item, and so it rarely if ever is featured in the 10 and 15 minute segments on MSNBC or the front pages of the NYT, and was featured in only 1 NYT op-ed I can recall-- by, once again, the tireless Richard Hasen. As it turns out, just today the House finally passed their version of this legislation. But the Senate version remains one vote short-- one Republican vote, and if the GOP controls the Senate next year, all bets are off. PBS covered the developments earlier today: https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/house-passes-electoral-law-overhaul-in-response-to-jan-6 You would think the NYT documentary might have emphasized the importance of the struggle to pass this democracy-protecting legislation. It did not.
Finally, this might have been published months ago and included a serious discussion of counter-measures (including but not limited to the ECA reform bill/s I mentioned). As it is, more than a few comments on the NYT website complain that they are "terrified" now, but have no idea what on earth to do about the problem. That's because possible solutions simply don't come up. Here we are only 1 month before an election that will have much to do with the plausibility of the GOP plan which has been hiding in plain sight since early 2021. As with Biden's speech on MAGA, it's too little too late, though the information it contains is vitally important.
Despite these criticisms and caveats, I enthusiastically recommend this piece for the information it condenses and makes accessible regarding a very likely scenario in which US Democracy could be torpedoed by a well organized minority group of zealots and ideologues, many of whom are convinced they are doing "the right thing."
UPDATE: The vid is now up was behind a paywall 2 days ago, but is now available on youtube. Here it is:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7YjY00Cd_MI
Antarctica's melting ‘Doomsday glacier’ could raise sea levels by 10 feet, scientists sayThe loss of the Thwaites glacier could destabilize western Antarctica.One of Antarctica's most important glaciers is holding on "by its fingernails" as warming temperatures around the globe threaten to cause further deterioration, which could then destabilize the glaciers in the entire region.
The Thwaites glacier, located in the Amundsen Sea in western Antarctica, is among the fastest-changing glaciers in the region, according to scientists. Along with Pine Island, also located in the Amundsen Sea, the two structures are responsible for the largest contribution of sea level rise out of Antarctica.Now, scientists are finding that the Thwaites glacier, also known as the “Doomsday glacier,” is melting faster than previously thought as warm and dense deep water delivers heat to the present-day ice-shelf cavity and melts its ice shelves from below, according to a study published in Nature Geoscience on Monday.
Thwaites, which is about the size of Florida, has been known to be on a fast retreat. But researchers from the University of South Florida's College of Marine Science and the British Antarctic Survey mapped a critical area of the seafloor in front of the glacier that could contribute to faster melting in the future.
Only a fraction of the 49 satellites SpaceX launched into orbit last week survived a geomagnetic storm, the company says. As many as 40 of the Starlink satellites "will reenter or already have reentered the Earth's atmosphere," according to SpaceX.
The satellites were launched into low-Earth orbit last Thursday, with the plan of bringing them up to a higher altitude. But one day later, a strong geomagnetic storm dramatically changed conditions in the atmosphere, spoiling many of the satellites' chances of reaching their final orbit.
Citing GPS data, SpaceX says the storm “caused atmospheric drag to increase up to 50 percent higher than during previous launches.”
That increased drag hurt the satellites' chances of reaching their final orbit, a preliminary analysis by the company suggests. “SpaceX tried to save them, but in the end, only nine satellites are expected to survive,” NPR's Geoff Brumfiel reports.
The satellites that can't maintain orbit will burn up as they reenter Earth's atmosphere, “meaning no orbital debris is created and no satellite parts hit the ground,” SpaceX said.
The series covers everything from a massive comet hurtling toward the Earth to an out-of-control dust storm. Yet there's one disaster that Nye is most afraid of actually happening. “The one that really has me thinking is the coronal mass ejection,” he admitted in an exclusive interview with The List.Creating the third episode of The End Is Nye left Bill Nye feeling concerned. If a solar flare from the sun actually came hurtling toward the Earth, the world would be in a whole lot of trouble. “These charged particles — the energy in the charged particles — would interact with the Earth’s magnetic field and turn off all the lights,” Nye told The List. “All the electricity in the world would shut down.”
It turns out, this catastrophic event has happened once before in human history. In 1859, a man named Carrington made the connection between solar flares and fires that were spreading all over the Earth. Many of these were causing telegraph offices to completely shut down. “Now, there are so many wires running everywhere all the time,” Nye said. “If we had a couple of these mass ejections back to back, like the Earth spun 12 hours and it happened again, all the electricity in the world [would] shut off.”
A repeat of the Carrington Event today would make it impossible to microwave our meals or even watch “Bill Nye the Science Guy” on our TVs. “No more refrigeration, no more cars, no more virtual movie interviews,” Nye said. “It would be a drag really fast.”
While scholars have made many claims about US military interventions, they have not come to a consensus on main trends and consequences. This article introduces a new, comprehensive dataset of all US military interventions since the country’s founding, alongside over 200 variables that allow scholars to evaluate theoretical propositions on drivers and outcomes of intervention. It compares the new Military Intervention Project (MIP) dataset to the current leading dataset, the Militarized Interstate Disputes (MID). In sum, MIP doubles the universe of cases, integrates a range of military intervention definitions and sources, expands the timeline of analysis, and offers more transparency of sourcing through historically-documented case narratives of every US military intervention included in the dataset. According to MIP, the US has undertaken almost 400 military interventions since 1776, with half of these operations undertaken between 1950 and 2019. Over 25% of them have occurred in the post-Cold War period.
Preliminary results from MIP show that the US has increased its military usage of force abroad since the end of the Cold War. Over this period the US has preferred the direct usage of force over threats or displays of force, increasing its hostility levels while its target states have decreased theirs. Along the way, the regions of interest have changed as well. Up until World War II, the US frequently intervened in Latin America and Europe, but beginning in the 1950s, the US moved into the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). By the 1990s, it doubled down on MENA and directed its focus to Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia as well.
We intend that the MIP data set and the analysis that follows provide an important resource to those interested in understanding the dynamics of US interventions historically and into the future. We contend that better data will lead to better theory testing, and ideally better policy formulation, on the subject of US military intervention.
With its extensive defense budget and capabilities, the US remains a military leader in contemporary international politics – but can this military advantage ever become a long-run disadvantage for our foreign policy? According to our data, the US has undertaken over 500 international military interventions since 1776, with nearly 60% undertaken between 1950 and 2017. What’s more, over one-third of these missions occurred after 1999.[2] With the end of the Cold War era, we would expect the US to decrease its military interventions abroad, assuming lower threats and interests at stake. But these patterns reveal the opposite – the US has increased its military involvements abroad.
Perhaps as we exclusively focus on maintaining our military might, we elevate the usage of force over other strategies of international policymaking, to the detriment of our own interests. As it stands, the US seems to operate without any clear guidelines for when it employs force abroad, and the consequences of such interventions remain blurred and contradictory. [3]In fact, Monica Toft has labeled the current trend of US military engagements as kinetic diplomacy, diplomacy solely via armed force. As traditional diplomacy withers away, growing in its place are shadowy special operation missions, drone strikes, and/or readily utilized conventional military deployments. As of this year, “while US ambassadors are operating in one-third of the world’s countries, US special operators are active in three-fourths.”[4]
Research into military interventions seems to be in flux and immature. Other kinds of analyses of military conflict give different results because they rely on different definitions. For example, this site lists factors that were not included in its 1890-2019 analysis. The list is long and it includes these considerations: mobilizations of the National Guard, offshore shows of naval strength, reinforcements of embassy personnel and military exercises.
Given the high stakes of a nuclear war that spins out of control, i.e., collapse of modern civilization and death of billions of people, this topic merits more attention than it currently gets.
In the first televised presidential debate between Donald Trump and Joe Biden in 2020, the sitting president was asked why voters should re-elect him to the White House. He gave a relatively obscure answer – it was all about the judges, he said.He ended his single tenure having placed 231 men and women on the federal bench, including three on the US supreme court, 54 on appeals circuits and 174 on district courts.Last week, the significance of Trump’s hyper-aggressive remodeling of the federal bench lurched into view. Aileen Cannon, who Trump nominated for the US district court for the southern district of Florida in May 2020, granted the former president his desire to have a “special master” handle thousands of documents seized by the FBI from the former president’s Mar-a-Lago club in Florida.
The ruling was greeted with astonishment by legal scholars who noted how convenient it was for Trump to give the special master control over highly classified materials. Cannon effectively erected a roadblock in front of the justice department’s criminal investigation into how national security intelligence had been illegally hidden in Mar-a-Lago.
Even William Barr, himself a former Trump appointee as US attorney general, had only harsh words. “Deeply flawed”, he said about the ruling.
But Cannon’s maverick decision is just the thin end of the wedge. From the supreme court down, the impact of Trump’s recalibration of the federal judiciary is now starting to sting.
The consequences of Trump’s three appointments to the supreme court are now well understood by many Americans. The evisceration of the right to an abortion; blocking government action on the climate crisis; rolling back gun control laws are just a few of the seismic changes wrought by the court’s new 6-to-3 conservative supermajority.Less visible and much less well comprehended are the similarly drastic shifts that are being initiated in the lower courts by Trump-appointed judges like Cannon. “These appointments are not only tilting the law further right, they are starting to erode fundamental democratic protections,” said Rakim Brooks, president of the advocacy group Alliance for Justice.
Biden is doing what he can to push the needle back towards the center. A review by the Pew Research Center last month found that the Democratic president had managed to surpass Trump’s rate at seating federal judges, achieving more confirmations at an equivalent point in his tenure than any president since John Kennedy.
Today Biden has confirmed a total of 81 federal judges (80 if you discount the fact that he nominated Ketanji Brown Jackson twice – first for an appeals court and then as the newest addition to the supreme court). Just how far the current president will be able to go in mitigating the rightward shift under Trump remains to be seen, with much hanging on the outcome of November’s midterm elections.