After the stunning display of oligarchical power by the richest man on earth, Elon Musk, we see how little our votes mean and how much the donor class increasingly exercises raw power in the post Citizens United age of managed democracy. But it is not yet January 20, so it is worth asking. "WHO is the boss in the Biden Admin, both now and for several of the last 4 years?" The WSJ just published a deeply sourced and sobering report on just that question. As the article states:
This account of how the White House functioned with an aging leader at
the top of its organizational chart is based on interviews with nearly
50 people, including those who participated in or had direct knowledge
of the operations. (WSJ: 12/19/24)
Below are just a few excerpts followed by a link to the piece, which, however is behind a paywall. It's not a pretty picture, and it reveals a state of affairs very much at odds with democratic norms, and what we all learn about US gov't and the executive branch at school. We elected Biden, but exactly who or what did we get?
There have already been extensive reports on how Biden was stage managed by his handlers in the last year of his presidency. However, it is now becoming clear that from early on in the Biden administration, the president was carefully managed, and became increasingly insulated from his own cabinet including crucial decision makers like the secretary of defense Lloyd Austin, who complained he did not have enough access to Biden even though the US was navigating two major conflicts, and earlier the Afghanistan pullout. The following are excerpts from the report.
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[In order] to adapt the White House around the needs of a diminished leader, they [Biden's team including Ron Klain and other top advisors]
told visitors to keep meetings focused. Interactions with senior
Democratic lawmakers and some cabinet members—including powerful
secretaries such as Defense’s Lloyd Austin and Treasury’s Janet Yellen—were
infrequent or grew less frequent. Some legislative leaders had a hard
time getting the president’s ear at key moments, including ahead of the
U.S.’s disastrous pullout from Afghanistan.
Senior advisers were often put into roles that some administration
officials and lawmakers thought Biden should occupy, with people such as
National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan, senior counselor Steve
Ricchetti and National Economic Council head Lael Brainard and her predecessor frequently in the position of being go-betweens for the president.
Press aides who compiled packages of news clips for Biden were told by
senior staff to exclude negative stories about the president. The
president wasn’t talking to his own pollsters as surveys showed him
trailing in the 2024 race.
Presidents always have gatekeepers. But in Biden’s case, the walls
around him were higher and the controls greater, according to Democratic
lawmakers, donors and aides who worked for Biden and other
administrations. There were limits over who Biden spoke with, limits on
what they said to him and limits around the sources of information he
consumed....
While preparing last year for his interview with Robert K. Hur,
the special counsel who investigated Biden’s handling of classified
documents, the president couldn’t recall lines that his team discussed
with him. At events, aides often repeated instructions to him, such as
where to enter or exit a stage, that would be obvious to the average
person. Biden’s team tapped campaign co-chairman Jeffrey Katzenberg, a Hollywood mogul, to find a voice coach to improve the president’s fading warble. Biden,
now 82, has long operated with a tightknit inner circle of advisers.
The protective culture inside the White House was intensified because
Biden started his presidency at the height of the Covid pandemic. His
staff took great care to prevent him from catching the virus by limiting
in-person interactions with him. But the shell constructed for the
pandemic was never fully taken down, and his advanced age hardened it...The system put Biden at an unusual remove from cabinet secretaries, the
chairs of congressional committees and other high-ranking officials. It
also insulated him from the scrutiny of the American public.
The strategies to protect Biden largely worked—until June 27, when Biden
stood on an Atlanta debate stage with Trump, searching for words and
unable to complete his thoughts on live television....
[Early on in his term, Biden's team] issued a directive to some powerful lawmakers and allies seeking
one-on-one time: The exchanges should be short and focused, according to
people who received the message directly from White House aides.
If the president was having an off day, meetings could be scrapped
altogether. On one such occasion, in the spring of 2021, a national
security official explained to another aide why a meeting needed to be
rescheduled. “He has good days and bad days, and today was a bad day so
we’re going to address this tomorrow,” the former aide recalled the
official saying.
While it isn’t uncommon for politicians to want more time with the
president than they get, some Democrats felt Biden was unusually hard to
reach.
That’s what Rep. Adam Smith of Washington found when he tried to share
his concerns with the president ahead of the U.S. withdrawal from
Afghanistan in 2021. Smith, a Democrat who then chaired the powerful
House Armed Services Committee, was alarmed by what he viewed as overly
optimistic comments from Biden as the administration assembled plans for
the operation.
I was begging them to set expectations low,” said Smith, who had worked
extensively on the issue and harbored concerns about how the withdrawal
might go. He sought to talk to Biden directly to share his insights
about the region but couldn’t get on the phone with him, Smith said.
After the disastrous withdrawal, which left 13 U.S. service members and
more than 170 Afghans dead, Smith made a critical comment to the
Washington Post about the administration lacking a “clear-eyed view” of
the U.S.-backed Ashraf Ghani government’s durability. It was among
comments that triggered an angry phone call from Secretary of State Antony Blinken,
who ended up getting an earful from the frustrated chairman. Shortly
after, Smith got an apologetic call from Biden. It was the only phone
call Biden made to Smith in his four years in office, Smith said.
“The Biden White House was more insulated than most,” Smith said. “I spoke with Barack Obama on a number of occasions when he was president and I wasn’t even chairman of the committee.”
Rep. Jim Himes of Connecticut, the top Democrat on the House
Intelligence Committee, said his interactions with the White House in
the past two years were primarily focused on the reauthorization of a
vital section of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act that
authorizes broad national security surveillance powers. Biden’s senior advisers and other top administration officials worked with Himes on the issue....
But
Biden wasn’t part of the conversation. “I really had no personal
contact with this president. I had more personal contact with Obama,
which is sort of strange because I was a lot more junior,” said Himes,
who took office in 2009. Congress extended the surveillance authority
for two years instead of the administration’s goal of five years.
Cabinet Members:
Interactions between Biden and many of his cabinet members were
relatively infrequent and often tightly scripted. At least one cabinet
member stopped requesting calls with the president, because it was clear
that such requests wouldn’t be welcome, a former senior cabinet aide
said.
Multiple former senior cabinet aides described a top-down dynamic in
which the White House would issue decisions and expect cabinet agencies
to carry them out, rather than making cabinet secretaries active
participants in the policymaking process....
Cabinet members most often met alone or with a member of the
president’s senior staff, including Brainard, the economic adviser, or
National Security Adviser Sullivan. The senior adviser would then bring
the issue to the president and report back, former administration
officials said.
Traditionally,
presidents have more frequent interactions with certain cabinet
secretaries—often Treasury, Defense and State—than others.
But
Treasury Secretary Yellen had an arm’s length relationship with the
president for much of the administration. She was part of the economics
team that regularly briefed the president, but one-on-one discussions
were more rare, and she typically dealt with the NEC or with the
president’s advisers rather than Biden directly, according to people
familiar with the interactions.
Defense
Secretary Austin also saw his close relationship with Biden grow more
distant over the course of the administration, with Austin’s regular
access to Biden becoming increasingly rare in the past two years, people
familiar with the relationship said.
During
the first half of the administration, Austin was one of the cabinet
members who would regularly attend Biden’s presidential daily briefing
on a rotational basis each week. That briefing would be followed with a
routine one-on-one in which Austin and Biden would meet personally
behind closed doors.
Officials familiar with these meetings said they helped cabinet members
to understand the commander in chief’s intentions directly, instead of
being filtered through others, such as Sullivan, the national security
adviser.
But in the past two years—a period when the wars in Ukraine and Gaza
demanded the president’s attention—Austin’s invitation to the briefing
came less frequently, to the point where the one-on-one meeting was
seldom scheduled. When the one-on-one meetings did take place, they were
more typically virtual meetings, not in-person. Still, Austin could
always get an unscheduled meeting with the president if he needed it.
Campaigns:
Biden’s team also insulated him on the campaign trail. In the summer of
2023, one prominent Democratic donor put together a small event for
Biden’s re-election bid. The donor was shocked when a campaign official
told him that attendees shouldn’t expect to have a free ranging
question-and-answer session with the president. Instead, the organizer
was told to send in two or three questions ahead of time that Biden
would answer.
At some events, the Biden campaign printed the pre-approved questions on
notecards and then gave donors the cards to read the questions. Even
with all these steps, Biden made flubs, which confounded the donors who
knew that Biden had the questions ahead of time.
Some
donors said they noticed how staff stepped in to mask other signs of
decline. Throughout his presidency—and especially later in the
term—Biden was assisted by a small group of aides who were laser focused
on him in a far different way than when he was vice president, or how
former presidents Bill Clinton or Obama were staffed during their presidencies, people who have witnessed their interactions said.
These
aides, which include Annie Tomasini and Ashley Williams, were often
with the president as he traveled and stayed within earshot or eye
distance, the people said. They would often repeat basic instructions to
him, such as where to enter or exit a stage.
The
president’s team of pollsters also had limited access to Biden,
according to people familiar with the president’s polling. The key
advisers have famously had the president’s ear in most past White
Houses.
[During] the 2024 campaign, the pollsters weren’t talking to the president about
their findings, and instead sent memos that went to top campaign staff.
Biden’s
pollsters didn’t meet with him in person and saw little evidence that
the president was personally getting the data that they were sending
him, according to the people.
People
close to the president said he relied on Mike Donilon, one of Biden’s
core inner circle advisers. With a background in polling, Donilon could
sift through the information and present it to the president.
But this summer, Democratic insiders became alarmed by the way Biden
described his own polling, publicly characterizing the race as a tossup
when polls released in the weeks after the disastrous June debate
consistently showed Trump ahead. They worried he wasn’t getting an
unvarnished look at his standing in the race.
Those fears intensified on July 11, when Biden’s top advisers met behind
closed doors with Democratic senators, where the advisers laid out a
road map for Biden’s victory. The message from the advisers was so
disconnected from public polling—which showed Trump leading Biden
nationally—that it left Democratic senators incredulous. It spurred
Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D., N.Y.) to speak to Biden
directly, according to people familiar with the matter, hoping to pierce
what the senators saw as a wall erected by Donilon to shield Biden from
bad information. Donilon didn’t respond to requests for comment.
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So, again, I ask, "Who's running the show?"